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Mr. Dykes : Yes, because I am in a good mood.
Mr. Cash : I am grateful to my hon. Friend who is a member of the Select Committee on European Legislation. I am sure that, because he is a member of the Committee, he will know from the report that BMW, Mercedes and other luxury cars in West Germany benefit enormously from the deliberately low tax regime provided in the home market by the West German Government for the benefit of improving the advantages that BMW, Mercedes and other luxury cars have at the expense of Jaguar. I am sure that
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my hon. Friend knows that, and I am sure that because he is such a fair person who wants a level playing field and because he is such a Europhile, he will accept that point.Mr. Dykes : I agree with my hon. Friend on one point. It may not be a mistake in this country occasionally to look carefully at what our continental friends are doing with various industries and saying that perhaps we should emulate some of their techniques, practices and tax regimes. It is not a weakness or a heresy to say that we should follow some of the foreigners' advice. We could do that with considerable profit. I know that that is regarded as problematical, but it would be a good idea so I am grateful to my hon. Friend for that suggestion.
The difference in prices has not been properly explained. It needs to be, and the Government should institute a major inquiry into United Kingdom domestic car prices to satisfy the consumer. I am disappointed that my hon. Friend the Member for Southend, East did not regard this point as important ; it is far more important than his point. The consumers in this country want justice on United Kingdom car prices. They want lower car prices commensurate with their wages and salaries, which are lower than those in France, Germany and even Italy now. They want explanations and they must come primarily from the British Government.
11.38 pm
Mrs. Edwina Currie (Derbyshire, South) : I join other hon. Members in gently chiding the Government for not finding a better time and more time for this important debate. It is important for two reasons. First, the developing British car industry will provide many of the answers to the questions that right hon. and hon. Gentlemen have put already tonight about the state of our balance of trade and about the state of the balance of trade of the rest of Europe with the rest of the world. Secondly, I should like us to have more time--and perhaps we shall on a future occasion-- because I should like to pin down the Labour party on precisely what its policy is on trade, on the car industry, on subsidies and, especially, on Europe. Labour Members should bear in mind for starters that if it had been up to the Labour party, we should not be in Europe and Toyota would certainly not have been anywhere near my constituency. I hope that it can overcome its fears about socialism and continue its support for capitalism in the years to come.
It is now exactly a year since Toyota announced that it would move to my constituency. The site is now being cleared and we are hoping that building will begin on the site in early June. In two years, Toyota will be recruiting my constituents. We are expecting about 1, 700 jobs in the first tranche and that about 3,000 people will be directly employed a short time after that. Three years from now, the plant will be close to commercial production.
I should like to put on record the fact that I have been very impressed so far by the Toyota company ; by its courtesy ; the amount of information that it provides both to myself and to other local people, and by its efforts in planning applications and its presentation to all of us--to my constituents--about what it is trying to do and about the factory. Toyota has made tremendous efforts to
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accommodate the worries and anxieties of local people and to change the plans in response to suggestions that have been made. There is no doubt that Toyota is a very big spender. The budget for the Derbyshire site was announced as about £700 million, with another £100 million-plus for the engine site at Shotton in north Wales. There is no doubt that by the time the thing is up and running, Toyota will have spent over £1 billion sterling in investment in this country. That is not only the biggest inward investment that Britain has ever seen ; it is the biggest inward investment that Europe has ever seen. It is one of the most significant events of recent years for this country.We have a combination of Japanese money and Japanese expertise for a factory that is being built not in Japan, but in the heart of England. The work force will be British and we are hoping that the research and development will also be carried out locally. The suppliers will be British --indeed, many of them are already there. For example, Pirelli, down the road in Burton-on-Trent, is excited at the thought that it might be putting British-made, Italian-made tyres on those Japanese cars. There is no doubt that the cars that my constituents will be producing will be as British as Peugeot in Coventry ; as British as Ford in Dagenham ; as British as Nissan in Sunderland ; as British as Volvo in several places in this country ; as British as DAF and Iveco and as British as General Motors in Luton. In other words, the Toyota cars will be as British as Marks and Spencer, fish and chips and our weather, and it is about time that the rest of our colleagues in Europe recognised that and were keen to support a British--a European Community--industry of the highest level and standard that will show a clean pair of heels to the rest of the world.
Mr. Teddy Taylor : What if they do not?
Mrs. Currie : If my hon. Friend wants to intervene, I shall be glad to give way to him.
Mr. Taylor : What shall we do if they do not and if restrictions are placed on the superb cars that I am sure will be produced in my hon. Friend's constituency?
Mrs. Currie : Perhaps my hon. Friend will contain himself for two or three seconds because I shall tell him at the end of my remarks, which I should like to keep as short as possible.
It is a tremendous compliment to the people in Derbyshire that that factory will be established there. That is not because of some of the things to which the hon. Member for Newcastle upon Tyne, North (Mr. Henderson) referred ; it is because we have a first-class work force of militant moderates. They do not like to go on strike. They defied Arthur Scargill with great determination and are now ready to go on, in the same kind of sensible, moderate, intelligent, hard-working way to work in this new industry in our area.
We shall be major exporters to Europe and we shall make a huge contribution to the British balance of payments. We shall also knock the competition for six in the European car industry--and they know it. Here we have a contrast, which I ask my hon. Friend the Minister to support, between a privately owned and privately funded British business and the state-owned, state-subsidised inefficient car industry elsewhere in Europe, especially in France and Italy.
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My hon. Friend the Minister--I believe that it was he--sent out a lovely little glossy document earlier this week, entitled "Britain in the Community : Europe in the1990s"--Mr. Redwood indicated dissent.
Mrs. Currie : My hon. Friend is shaking his head ; he will not accept responsibility for it. The very first sentence reads : "Europe is growing up. It's a challenging time to be a European. In every way, the barriers are coming down."
Amen to that.
I am a keen European, unlike my hon. Friend the Member for Southend, East (Mr. Taylor)--but not according to the document that we are discussing. I should not have minded if the "Single Community Motor-vehicle market" document had been a bargaining document to help to get Japan to open its doors to British and European trade, but it is not a bargaining document. It is clearly a document that is designed to protect a weak industry. Paragraph 1, entitled, "The Outlook for the Motor-Vehicle Sector", talks about "signs of fragility" among European car producers. That is absolute rubbish as far as the British contribution--even now--is concerned. Vigour and energy are much better signs than fragility, yet the word "fragility" appears several times in the document.
We get the truth about what is going on in paragraph 3.4 (b), which mentions
"The growing scale of Community production of Japanese makes, which on top of present imports reduces the potential market share for older and less efficient factories."
At least the Commissioner has the grace to be honest about the tawdry business that he is up to. I think that it is an absolute, stinging disgrace. The document then says :
"The Commission is determined to ensure"--
not, "The Commission would like to ensure"--
"that Japanese vehicle exports do not grow to such an extent that they risk creating problems within the Community."
Frankly, I think that the Commission has got a nerve and that Commissioner Andriessen should be ashamed of himself. It is quite clear that somebody in the European Community has a fixation not about foreign makes or foreign marques, but about the Japanese. When one goes through the document line by line, one finds that West Germany is mentioned once, Korea is mentioned once, the United States is mentioned three times and Japan and the Japanese are mentioned no fewer than 23 times.
I have to say on behalf of all my constituents that I think that there is something particularly nasty and offensive about the Europan Community's objection to the Japanese and the way in which it seems to be trying to make special rules for Japan. It does not seem to feel that way about the Americans. In 1989, the European Commission approved a state loan of 98 million ecu--about £62 million--to Ford to build a factory in Portugal.
Despite the fact that so many Opposition Members' socialist friends are in the European Parliament, the European Community is not egalitarian about these things either. One of the other state loans to the car industry that was approved last year was for 28 million ecu--£18 million--to Ferrari, which no doubt will have a marginal effect on the pockets of next year's rather less-well-off Ferrari owners all over the world.
I would like, in the best possible tradition of the House having late-night debates, to chide my Front Bench for the
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approach that it is adopting. It does not seem quite good enough to respond, as the Government do in paragraph 17 of their explanatory memorandum,"there is no question of the UK accepting any"
such arrangement. The motion states that the document is "a useful framework for considering the detailed measures". That is not good enough either. I know, and my hon. Friend the Minister knows, that the British Government have the right to go to the European Court. I hope that my hon. Friend will consider that as a possible measure, if necessary. Back British industry and make sure that my constituents and those of my right hon. and hon. Friends who are working in foreign investment businesses have the right to a free market in Europe in the future.
11.47 pm
Mr. Roger King (Birmingham, Northfield) : I disagree with most hon. Members, who have said that this is not a relevant time at which to discuss the future of the British motor industry. Tens of thousands of people throughout the country are building cars in increasing numbers for the export and home markets. To some extent, therefore, we are showing solidarity with the large number of people now at work by debating the future of their industry in Europe.
Some hon. Members have spoken about car prices in Europe. Opening the European market will create a more open market in pricing. Until now, each European country has been considered as a separate profit centre, and the retail sector of the car industry has grown up differently in different parts of Europe. The British tend to part exchange cars, which involves extra overheads for retailers. The discount structure here is wholly different from that in France, for example.
Cars may be cheaper in some markets, but that may be the result of a proper marketing ploy by a manufacturer here. When seeking exports, a manufacturer may keep prices at a strong market level. It may be argued that one of the problems is the fact that the British industry is too keen to get business and reduces the price of its cars to make them more competitive with the indigenous product, but our export figures are hardly likely to grow if they do not adopt such measures.
We have discussed many aspects of the Community documents, and there is no doubt that the United Kingdom car industry has shown a dramatic upturn in profitability and output, as my hon. Friend the Minister said. By the year 2000, forecasters of the industry predict that annual output in the industry could be up by between 2.3 million and 2.7 million units a year. Looking even further ahead, some experts in the industry have predicted that in 15 to 20 years' time--not all that far away--we could be the third greatest car manufacturing nation outside the United States and Japan. In Europe, car manufacturing could be concentrated in Russia, Germany and the United Kingdom. There are tremendous opportunities for us to develop our industry as fast as we can.
The decision, recently announced by the Rover Group, together with its work force, to work towards a 24-hour production process on its engines and transmissions side is a clear sign that we have turned a corner. I lay the reason for this fairly and squarely on the Government's industrial relations policy and attitude over the past 10 years. We have overhauled our industrial relations, and no longer do the Red Robbos and the Moles of Cowley rule supreme.
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The tendency to call a stoppage at a blow of a whistle decimated the profitability of our car industry, but those days are gone, and there is a new working relationship between the work force and management.There are sometimes setbacks. For example, investment that was to be made in Dundee was recently cancelled and there have been problems at Bridgend in south Wales. Despite those setbacks, overall we hope that the British motor industry will develop substantially. Our country's economic future is almost uniquely dependent on this industry. It is the one that can haul us out of our import-export difficulties. The rebirth of one our basic industries is nothing short of an economic miracle.
The Japanese factories that have come, and are coming here, have done so because they recognise that this is a splendid place to make cars, and one that offers them not just a skilled work force, or one that can be readily trained, as we have seen at Nissan's Greenfields site, but the component manufacturers to feed the companies that are set up, and valuable European engineering expertise for products that have been inherently Japanese.
Mr. Cash : It is so important for us to be entirely realistic about what is going on in the European Community as we get on towards 1992. Did not the recent experience of Ford pulling out of Bridgend have a lot to do with trade union practices and the tendency for people to pay themselves more than the worth of what they are producing? The British work force, both management and employees, will clearly have to address themselves to that if we are to maintain the position of the British motor industry in the way suggested by my hon. Friend, whose experience and knowledge of this industry I acknowledge.
Mr. King : I agree with my hon. Friend's sentiment, but Ford is not pulling out of Bridgend. It has decided that the final phase of the new Zeta engine installation will not go ahead, partly because the changing engine requirement means that older units produced there are needed for a few more years. The company therefore needs capacity elsewhere and has decided to go to Germany. That is disappointing. I agree with my hon. Friend that if the work force returns to its previous attitudes, the investment that we desperately need will not be made.
The European document highlights a number of technical standard changes and harmonisations that the British motor industry needs to take on board, and which will help our industry in Europe. Vehicle emissions must be standardised, although we can argue, as we have in previous debates, about whether exhaust catalysts are the right way forward, or whether improvements in engine technology are not the fundamental requirement in producing a cleaner, more fuel-efficient and economical car. Undoubtedly, however, we shall have to support the majority viewpoint that catalysts have a role to play for at least the next 10 years.
We also want to harmonise taxation on cars. I have already mentioned the 10 per cent. special tax in this country. One wonders whether it is the United Kingdom Government's intention to phase out that element of taxation, which in my view is excessive and is only placed upon automobilies in this country, so that we harmonise
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the tax structure within the European motor industry. If that is the Government's intention, no one will welcome it more than I. Dismantling internal barriers and encouraging the import of British-produced Japanese cars is the crux of the debate. Certainly, I support my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State when he tries to ensure that the Government get the best deal that they can. However, we are overlooking the fact that the document does not specify exactly what the transitional element comprises. It states that in some countries the importation of Japanese cars, whether they are made in a United Kingdom transplant factory or in Japan, is as low as 1.4 per cent. and in other countries it is as high as 44 per cent. I suggest that when the time comes to negotiate my hon. Friend or his colleague would be ready to hear what the transitional agreement could be. It could be exceedingly generous for the transplant factories if I may use that term, and by shuffling production and sales figures throughout Europe we may get by for two or three years quite successfully without bringing a hiatus to the Community. I do not know, but that is a subject for negotiation. The new factories developing in the United Kingdom will not be up to full manufacturing capacity until the mid-1990s, so we have time to negotiate a workmanlike arrangement with the European Commission. We do not have to go in for a Mexican stand-off and have a high noon duel or shoot-out. A basis for negotiation exists. I think that the European Community will recognise that, given our balance of payment difficulties, we need this vital manufacturing capacity and we need to build up this vital investment and nothing must be done to jeopardise it.It is not only the countries mentioned in the document which should concern us, however, because if the European Community takes an obdurate view the Japanese car companies may import their requirements from factories in the United States free of all restrictions. If we had a mind to, we could adopt as a negotiating stance the fact that Japanese companies such as Honda, Nissan and Toyota could simply import cars from the United States without let or hindrance.
We should also remember that German transplant factories are being set up in eastern Europe and other eastern bloc countries which are desperate for investment. What is the future of those companies and manufacturing units? One cannot consider the Japanese factories in isolation. We have to take into account the emerging requirements and productive capacity of eastern bloc countries. I hope that my hon. Friend will take due notice of that.
Britain faces a number of restrictions from the European Community which seem extremely one-sided. Recently there have been restrictions on airline deregulation. We are particularly good at that, but other European countries seem to be the opposite, so airline deregulation has been dropped. Road haulage is another area in which we are particularly efficient, but the Germans are not and are therefore blocking developments there. To achieve the free and open market that we all want, Britain cannot always give, give, give. We have to ensure that there is give and take in Europe and that there is genuine negotiation throughout all industrial and commercial sectors.
Mr. Dennis Skinner (Bolsover) rose --
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11.59 pmMr. Redwood : My hon. Friend the Member for Harrow, East (Mr. Dykes) asked about figures, and I wanted to be sure that I had them right before I responded to his question. I did not want to quote them off the top of my head. The output of motor cars in Germany in 1988 was 4.3 million. My hon. Friend might like to know that the real gap emerged between British and German production during 1974 and 1979. Over that period, our production fell from 1.5 million to jut over 1 million while German production leaped ahead from 2.8 million to just over 4 million. Since 1979, there has been a slightly higher rate of growth in the United Kingdom than in Germany, but on a much smaller base. The figures that the Government and my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham, Northfield (Mr. King) have been using imply that the British growth rate will accelerate considerably. I am sure that all of us in this place look forward to seeing the strengthening of the wider British motor industry over the next few years. My hon. Friend the Member for Harrow, East asked also about the Government's attitude to taxation. We do not believe that tax harmonisation is a vital part of the open market in cars. Each country applies its own tax rates for sales, and there is free competition on that basis. It is far from the truth that our tax is uniquely excessive. Several other member states place much higher rates of tax and duty on cars, and they are equally nervous about harmonisation. It is not Britain alone which is delaying the possibility of tax harmonisation because it does not wish to see revenue loss. In Denmark, for example, VAT is levied at 22 per cent., and there is a high initial registration tax. In France, there is 25 per cent. VAT. There are other countries that have higher levels of tax.
My hon. Friend the Member for Southend, East (Mr. Taylor) asked whether we could block the proposals. I understand that the measure requires unanimity. Progress has been slow because many countries are worried about the tax proposals. My hon. Friend asked also about the trading deficit. Again, I wanted to ensure that my response was accurate. The deficit in passenger cars in the most recent year was £5 billion. My hon. Friend has already given the House figures specific to the European Community and Germany. As he implies, the worst part of the deficit lies in our trade with Germany. The hon. Member for Newcastle upon Tyne, North (Mr. Henderson) rightly pressed me to say more about the negotiations and the deal that the Government think that they can get. I agree with the hon. Gentleman because I think that we can succeed through negotiation. We are negotiating strongly, and I have made it clear tonight that we intent to win. We take the view that the issue is vital for the nation and for new investors who have come here.
There are three stages in the process. I remind the House that there were rumours when Nissan first came to the United Kingdom that its cars would not be accepted into certain European Community country markets. Nissan cars are being produced, and I believe that there are no blocks on their exit from the United Kingdom into other European markets. That is in part because of the strong representations that the Government made successfully on behalf of Nissan.
I agree with my hon. Friend the member for Northfield that we have some strong points to make in the negotiations. The fact that Japanese cars could be
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imported from the United States without let or hindrance is an important factor to get across to other member states. Transplant factories, as the Community likes to call them, in other countries mean that positions are shifting as others benefit from transplant locations. Other countries are beginning to see the difficulty in making a distinction between a Japanese holding company, an American holding company, a Swedish holding company, or whatever country may be benefiting their country by inward investment.As my hon. Friend the Member for Derbyshire, South (Mrs. Currie) implied, there is a good legal process that we believe we could use. We hope, however, that it will not come to that. If the negotiations went wrong for any reason, of course we would take the best legal advice that was available. We would pursue any case that we thought that we could mount, and with full vigour. Our current view is that the treaty position is clear. It gives transplant factory cars the right of entry into other Community markets. We would want to see that right upheld by legal challenge through the courts until we had what we needed for the car plants in the United Kingdom.
Several hon. Members referred to scrutiny. I have always favoured good and effective scrutiny in the House. Wherever there are issues that I am handling in the financial area, which is my remit, I try to ensure that the House is informed at an early stage and that we have the opportunity for an early debate on the proposals. The proposal before us, in so far as it relates to the important political points about the negotiations on quotas, voluntary restraint agreements and Japanese cars that are produced in Britain, is timely. Decisions have not been made, and the views of the House will be presented forcefully to the European Community by me and my colleagues to ensure that our position is strengthened by the fact that we have been through a proper democratic process and that the voice of the House has been heard clearly on an important national interest. I agree with the hon. Member for Newcastle upon Tyne, North about the work on technical standards, which we welcome, but more must be done by the European Community. That work will benefit our companies and those elsewhere in the European Community.
My hon. Friend the Member for Southend, East and the hon. Member for Newcastle upon Tyne, North asked about quotas. The hon. Member for Newcastle upon Tyne, North was a little mistaken, because only three European Community counties have quotas. Some others have VRAs, including Britain. I was not sure whether he was saying that it is Labour policy to impose quotas where they have not been imposed before. That would create problems, given the treaty obligations to free trade and the European Community's obligations through GATT. The Government believe that progress in the GATT round is vital to our interests. We therefore do not want people to talk of imposing new quotas and quantitive restrictions when we are making progress in the GATT negotiations.
I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Southend, East that it is an important objective to create an open market. The Government will handle the negotiations as set out in the explanatory memorandum to ensure that that objective is achieved without undermining the British objectives that we hold so dear to heart.
The hon. Member for Inverness, Nairn and Lochaber (Sir R. Johnston) made a point not covered by the document about differentials in car prices. My hon. Friend
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the Member for Northfield provided some of the answers to those differences. One must consider the price without the tax element, the specification, the discount structure and several other complexities. The Director General of Fair Trading is closely considering recent evidence implying a widening of the differentials in car prices. If he thinks it appropriate, he will introduce measures to tackle the problems mentioned by the hon. Member for Inverness, Nairn and Lochaber and other hon. Members which account for those differentials in prices.My hon. Friend the Member for Derbyshire, South was rightly concerned about the future of Toyota. She played an important role in securing its investment for her constituency and county, which we welcome. She is right that it is an example of dynamic private enterprise. It will do well as a result of its wise choice of Derbyshire and Britain under the Government's attractive pro-enterprise policies.
I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Derbyshire, South that within the European Community we wish to avoid any sense that we are anti- Japanese. I opened the debate by making clear the Government's position that good Japanese investors are more than welcome. We are extremely positive about them because they have an important role to play in building our industrial future, improving our balance of payments and working with us in the manufacturing revival that is now so clearly under way. The document, which in some places has not worn too well in the translation from French, at times gives too much credence to member states that are anti-Japanese in spirit in some of their statements. The Government will endeavour to ensure that the European Community adopts as fair an attitude to Japan as it does to the other overseas trading partners that we value.
I found Labour's position on the document as unclear as its position on everything else. I can understand the difficulties of the hon. Member for Newcastle upon Tyne, North. The right hon. and learned Member for Monklands, East (Mr. Smith) made a speech in the United States about the wonders of the open market, competition and free enterprise, but we read that the hon. Member for Dunfermline, East (Mr. Brown) is busy adopting and endorsing Labour's policy review on industrial policy. The tensions are obvious for all to see. The Labour policy review is riddled with the failed policies of the 1960s and 1970s. More subsidy, more intervention, more Government meddling with business--those were the policies that demolished the British motor car industry so successfully between 1974 and 1979. Yes, it has taken some years to correct the position, because the dose of bad medicine that the Labour Government gave proved to have a deep-seated effect and to cause enormous trouble.
At some point, the House should return to the more general questions of how to achieve a thriving industry, which policies are best and whether the Labour party will back the right hon. and learned Member for Monklands, East in the free market views that he expressed in the United States or whether it will back the backward-looking views of the hon. Member for Dunfermline, East in his endorsement of the Labour policy review.
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Mr. Roger Knapman (Stroud) : Perhaps my hon. Friend will give the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner) a chance to answer that question.
Mr. Redwood : I should be happy to give way to the hon. Member for Bolsover (Mr. Skinner) if he can answer that question.
Mr. Skinner : First, the Minister did not ask the leave of the House to speak twice, so he obviously does not know the rules. Secondly, is he aware that there are anti-Marketeers on the Conservative Benches who stay up for these debates? At the end of this debate, I shall shout no, because I know where I stand on the issue. I hope that the hon. Member for Southend, East (Mr. Taylor) will join me as a Teller, so that we can divide the House.
Mr. Redwood : I am grateful to you, Madam Deputy Speaker, for giving me permission to speak twice.
Mr. Skinner : The hon. Gentleman did not ask for leave.
Mr. Redwood : I took it from your expression, Madam Deputy Speaker, that you had given me that permission. I noticed that the hon. Member for Bolsover immediately had to divert the issue from the important point of how industry can prosper and do well. On this, as on everything else, the Labour party has either no answers or the old answers that failed. I commend the motion to the House.
Question put : --
The House divided : Ayes 36, Noes 0.
Division No. 183] [12.11 am
AYES
Amess, David
Amos, Alan
Baker, Nicholas (Dorset N)
Boswell, Tim
Bowis, John
Brazier, Julian
Burt, Alistair
Carlisle, Kenneth (Lincoln)
Carrington, Matthew
Cash, William
Chapman, Sydney
Chope, Christopher
Coombs, Simon (Swindon)
Dykes, Hugh
Fallon, Michael
Favell, Tony
Garel-Jones, Tristan
Gill, Christopher
Goodlad, Alastair
Gregory, Conal
Johnston, Sir Russell
King, Roger (B'ham N'thfield)
Knapman, Roger
Lang, Ian
Lawrence, Ivan
Lightbown, David
Maclean, David
Neubert, Michael
Patnick, Irvine
Redwood, John
Renton, Rt Hon Tim
Stevens, Lewis
Waldegrave, Rt Hon William
Waller, Gary
Widdecombe, Ann
Wood, Timothy
Young, Sir George (Acton)
Tellers for the Ayes :
Mr. Tom Sackville and
Mr. John M. Taylor.
Nil Tellers for the Noes
NOES
Nil Tellers for the Noes :
Mr. Dennis Skinner and
Mr. Dave Nellist.
Question accordingly agreed to .
Resolved ,
That this House takes note of European Community Document No. 10971/89, relating to the Community motor vehicle market ; and supports the Government's view that it provides a useful framework for considering the detailed measures which will have to be implemented in the Community to bring about a Single Market in the vehicle sector.
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