House of Commons Hansard Debates for 2 May 1991

Column 486

completely inappropriate in this war, but the Ministry of Defence used Iraq as a training ground for a future war with the Soviet Union, resulting in unnecessary loss of life and expensive aircraft. The next matter is probably not so controversial--tactical air-to -surface missiles, particularly the United States TASM and the short-range attack missiles (tactical)--SRAM-T--which is fitted to the F15E aircraft. Will the Government say clearly whether they will allow SRAM-Ts to be based at United States bases in Britain? The Government cannot hide behind the pretence that that is a NATO decision which is yet to be made, because that is not the case. The Germans do not want SRAM-Ts on their soil and have made that clear, and the basing of F15E aircraft at Lakenheath and Bentwaters, to which the SRAM-T is designed to be fitted, was a bilateral decision of the United States and the United Kingdom, not a NATO one. Does the Minister see the basing of SRAM-Ts in Britain as important to our defence or not? The Minister should not stay silent. He cannot stay silent. I do not think that it is important, because it is part of the nuclear weapons modernisation programme that was conceived and decided upon during the cold war and before the present phase in international politics.

Since then, there have been all sorts of changes in eastern Europe. Having lost eastern Europe as their starting point, Soviet air defences are relatively weak. The Warsaw pact has been wound up, and President Gorbachev has made real efforts towards achieving a reduction in nuclear weapons. The deployment of SRAM-T would aversely affect arms control agreements that we should be striving to achieve. It is not needed to deal with such out-of- area third-world threats as the Gulf war. The Iraqi air defences were overwhelmed with conventional weaponry. We do not need new nuclear missiles in those cases.

Those arguments do not just apply to the United States TASM based in Britain, but also suggest that the Government should not go ahead with the so-called British TASM, either buying the United States SRAM-T off the shelf or deploying the French missile built with American support, the ASLP.

Nuclear weapon storage facilities for TASMs at United States bases are still going ahead at Bentwaters, Lakenheath and Upper Heyford. They were originally proposed, again as part of the modernisation process, in 1986, but two weeks ago it was said that they would go ahead. Ironically, they are going ahead with NATO rather than with American money, despite the fact that SRAM-T is the result of a bilateral decision. Does that mean that the Minister wants TASMs and SRAM-Ts based here, despite their current irrelevance to international realities, or are the storage facilities going ahead so that SRAM-Ts come here anyway as a fait accompli in due course? We have a right to expect an answer from the Minister on that point. Thirdly, I want to refer to the WE177, the free-fall hydrogen bomb, particularly its safety and the safety of other weapons as well. The recent Drell report in the United States has shown that many nuclear weapons, not just Trident, are not as safe as was previously thought. Some of the less safe American warheads are of the same vintage as the WE177 bomb. That is confirmed by the report on warhead safety published, I think last week, by Basic.

Column 487

Excessive secrecy has surrounded British nuclear weapons, making it easy for Ministers to give bland assurances about weapon safety while allowing no independent checks. There is a so- called independent Nuclear Weapons Safety Committee, but that is covered by the Official Secrets Act. The Government's obsession with secrecy precludes any member of that committee who feels that a weapon is unsafe from telling anyone in Parliament or in public unless authorised to do so by Ministers. How can that be independent? Have the Government found some obscure definition of the word that is not in common use?

A recent opinion poll published in The Scotsman on Monday shows that 78 per cent. of respondents said that the British Parliament should have access to the same quality of information as the Americans about the safety or otherwise of their nuclear weapons. Fifty-eight per cent. thought that the transportation of nuclear weapons should be stopped until the safety questions had been resolved. The Government just hide behind their secrecy.

Let me tease the Government a little. I challenge the Minister to reassure the public and Parliament by telling us what safety features are included in British weapons design. Surely it cannot affect national security to say whether a nuclear weapon's pit is fire-resistant or that safer insensitive high explosives--IHEs--are used on all nuclear weapons. The Government's position on safety lacks credibility. The weapons are designed by AWRE Aldermaston, an organisation which cannot even organise safety features in its own A90 and A91 buildings. The Government expect us to believe that they have got the weapons right, so they must provide some answers about weapons safety.

In 12 years in power, the Government have not changed one iota. They want more nuclear weapons regardless of the international circumstances, and they are prepared to sacrifice hospitals and living standards to get them. A peace dividend is anathema to them, but the change will come. Britain's economic circumstances will not regard yet more bombs and missile as a priority. I hope that that change comes sooner rather than later.

7.10 pm

Mr. Hugh Dykes (Harrow, East) : I am grateful to you, Mr. Deputy Speaker, for allowing me to catch your eye early in this debate. As so oftens happens, just as one is beginning to take an interest in a debate, a flurry of telephone messages comes in and a local situation must be dealt with. I apologise for leaving the Chamber to tackle that matter. To be fair to other hon. Members, it behoves me to be brief.

Mr. O'Neill : Oh, no.

Mr. Dykes : I shall be brief, notwithstanding the exhortation of the hon. Member for Clackmannan (Mr. O'Neill).

Most of the points made by the hon. Member for Leyton (Mr. Cohen) were phantasmagorical in the extreme and I do not propose to follow them. It was interesting for us to observe the fact that there is a gap on the Labour Benches on defence matters, notwithstanding the fact that officially the Labour party fully supported the Government's stance on the Gulf war. We know that there are still divisions in the Labour party and that was clear from the rather angry exchanges that took place earlier. I

Column 488

was hoping for more of them, because it would have reminded the public that such a division exists and that the Labour party is not as monolithic on defence matters as Conservative Members are--

Mr. O'Neill : Monolithic?

Mr. Dykes : Yes, monolithic in the more attractive sense of the adjective and not the sense adduced by the hon. Member for Clackmannan.

That unity has always been one of our great strengths. The public has confidence in a Conservative Government on defence matters.

Mr. O'Neill : What about the Bruges group?

Mr. Dykes : I should resist the temptation to respond to sedentary interventions. The Bruges group is collapsing by the minute and we do not need to dwell on it tonight. The fact that it is in the news here at the moment is, in one sense, good rather than bad news. We are presumably on the verge of constructing a Europeanwide defence policy after the NATO emergency period during the cold war. In that sense, presumably there are lessons to be learned from the Gulf conflict and the detailed modalities of defence policy with the use of land forces and air weapons.

Unless I am misrepresenting the Government's official policy, I am glad that we do not want a European Community defence policy. That would be an illogical proposition. In the confused state of the debate about some of the allies not taking part in warlike activities and being rather timid, there was a suggestion that there should be a Community defence policy. However, the European Community is the world's major civilian power if I can use such a colloquial description. The Community does not have a defence parameter. As I understand it, the Government are suggesting, subject to elaboration of these complicated issues, that the Community could participate in the development of security policy alongside foreign policy. I see the logic of a wider security policy background as part of the foreign policy configurations of the Community. We must bear it in mind that at least one country might have difficulty with questions of neutrality and those countries might not be able to participate. An overall umbrella concept of security policy is distinct from the narrower policy in a military sense. To bring the latter concept into the European Community is most strange. It is even stranger that Jacques Delors, who until then had often been accused of being too zealous in his promotion of the commanding heights of Community policy, suddenly said, on a visit to the Institute of Strategic Studies here, that there should be a Community defence policy. The whole issue has become very confused. We must now see what will develop in future, but the Royal Air Force will have an important role.

I am glad that official spokesmen are no longer accusing the allies of running away in the face of the war in the Gulf. The phrase, "running for the cellars," caused outrage in Germany and elsewhere, and quite rightly. That was an unfair attack on our German allies. Such accusations have now subsided, and things are returning to normal.

All hon. Members, even the hon. Member for Leyton, have paid tribute to the RAF and its courage in the Gulf. In adding my words to that tribute which the House has recognised unanimously on many occasions, I take

Column 489

pleasure in the fact that I have the honour of having in my constituency part of No. 11 Group RAF Bentley Priory, one of the headquarters in the constellation that is commanded by Air Vice- Marshal Bill Wratten, who was the commander of the RAF forces in the Gulf.

I met Bill Wratten on Saturday night at a local civil function. Harrow had the privilege and honour earlier this year of according to RAF Bentley Priory the freedom of the borough. We recorded that Harrow is extremely proud of RAF Bentley Priory and RAF Stanmore Park and of what the RAF has done for this country. RAF Bentley Priory was the control centre for the battle of Britain and is therefore a solemn shrine to the courage and valour of the RAF. Air Vice-Marshal Bill Wratten follows a long line of extremely talented senior Air Force officers. The current chief of the air staff also commanded Bentley Priory. Bill Wratten is young and extremely talented and he will be annoyed that I am making these remarks tonight, but I must make them. He was in charge of the forces in the Gulf and they did a superb and wonderful job.

I am sure that the MOD evaluations by the experts who know far more about these matters than we do will be able to draw the appropriate lessons from what happened in the Gulf war. Unlike the hon. Member for Leyton, I have no quarrel with the tactics and strategy of the Gulf war. The conflict was a superb vindication of the United States-led coalition. There were whingers and moaners early on, but that is understandable. Some people always have doubts and warfare is a horrendous matter. However, the Gulf conflict paid off triumphantly. We were mightily relieved that our casualties, including the Air Force casualties, were so few. Each of those casualties was a sad bereavement for the family and friends concerned and for the nation. But, mercifully, there were very few casualties and we thank the Almighty and our commanders for that result. Once a conflict is over it is perfectly legitimate for people to ask questions about it and seek more information. The media were very controlled during the conflict, presumably because the United States, after its bitter lessons in Vietnam, was determined to exercise such control. That policy was successful, but it means that the information to hand after the conflict is very limited.

Almost my only doubts about the conflict stem from the incidents that occurred towards the end of the war when the Iraqi forces were retreating from Kuwait. There may be answers about that in future. So far as one can tell, senior British officers were aghast at what they saw when they arrived at the scene. In due course, the Americans or others will provide more information about it. Surely, once the tactics and the strategies have succeeded, there is no need for overkill or the sort of things that may have happened in the Gulf. I say "may" because I do not want to be unjust. It is easy for armchair experts and observers to pass judgment without having any direct experience, and I am conscious of that. My hon. Friend the Member for Tayside, North (Mr. Walker) is nodding ; he is obviously concerned with what I am saying. He has great experience of the Royal Air Force. I reassure him that it is all right to have these thoughts ; there is no danger to our troops once the conflict

Column 490

has ended. While the conflict continued, it was different--there had to be national solidarity. I am sure that everyone understands that. It is legitimate to raise questions after the conflict is ended, not least on behalf of the hapless Iraqi soldiers and civilians who were the main victims of Saddam Hussein--an evil dictator who used those people as malleable pawns in his demonic plans. Unhappily, he has survived. I presume that there will be more information on that in due course. In such a controlled dictatorship, it is difficult to know exactly what is happening and what people feel about someone who has apparently eliminated so many of his opponents.

There are bound to be questions, and there is no need for anyone to be apologetic about that. It is possible that thousands of soldiers were killed unnecessarily. Our understanding is that the Americans, at the highest level in the Pentagon, had to intervene and stop the killing because it was getting out of hand.

A major lesson that we have learnt is that, were such a conflict to occur again--we hope that it will not--the United Nations would have to be more co-ordinated. It must be fully in control of what is happening, except for the military activities that come under the control of military commanders and their command headquarters in the relevant countries. The war was not about the intrinsic survival of the United States, Britain or any other allied country. There were some 400 million people ranged against a nation of 17 million. What the Iraqi dictator did to his hapless and innocent conscripted soldiers is a tragedy both in middle eastern and world history. We must maintain a balanced appraisal, because we all wish to avoid war if we can.

The EFA programme has already been mentioned, and my hon. Friend the Minister has reassured the House about its progress. It is already a successful incipient project which, as my right hon. Friend said, is close to its first prototype early next year. That will be the precursor to the production stage. It is essential that we think beyond the Tornado to the next generation of aircraft. As I said previously, it is a great pity that the French did not join the project. I presume that it is now too late for them to do so. I think that they made a mistake. There is an overriding priority for all European countries to get together on new generations of equipment to ensure that the RAF, which has done so well, is properly equipped for the future. We must ensure that the RAF's talented people and its new recruits fly with the best equipment that we can provide. We can no longer provide that equipment from our resources because we are a small country, so we must get together with other countries. I was a humble ministerial assistant in the Ministry of Defence in the 1970s when the Tornado--the multi-role combat aircraft--was first promulgated. There has been a vindication of the success of a Europeanwide multi-purpose aircraft. I vividly remember that when it first came off the drawing board all the newspapers said that it was an absurd notion--an impossible project that could never come to fruition because of all the bureaucracy in the various countries. The Tornado has vindicated those who had faith in it. It performed superbly in the Gulf theatre and elsewhere.

Once again, Mr. Deputy Speaker, I thank you for calling me early in the debate. I have pleasure, satisfaction

Column 491

and pride in paying tribute to the Royal Air Force for what it has done for this country, not only recently but over many years. 7.24 pm

Mr. Michael Colvin (Romsey and Waterside) : It is a pleasure to follow my hon. Friend the Member for Harrow, East (Mr. Dykes), who is one of the most Euro-minded Members in this House. I was interested in what he said about the defence factor within Europe, the fact that the Western European Union has now been given a new impetus, and the fact that it is important that we remember that NATO still provides the basis for the defence of the west and our European partners within it. As the European Community enlarges, if the countries that successfully apply to join it are not already members of NATO, I am sure that they will be welcome to join if they wish to do so. Like my hon. Friend, I had difficulty in finding anything good in the speech of the hon. Member for Leyton (Mr. Cohen). However, I always take great pains to find common ground. Searching almost in vain, I managed to find some comments with which I wholeheartedly agreed. He said that we needed to be very careful about to whom we sold arms. He spoke of the high technology of the weapons deployed in the Gulf, and said that we should be careful not to find ourselves in a hi-tech arms race. We have successfully avoided a nuclear arms race. It is good that the hon. Gentleman and I can find some common ground.

I am sure that we would also agree with the hon. Gentleman that war is bad. His pacifist credentials are well displayed. His statistics on the Gulf war were interesting. He mentioned the 100,000 tonnes of bombs that were dropped, and said that that was more than were dropped in Vietnam. The fact is that the allies won the Gulf war, but the Americans lost the Vietnam war. We had the pay-off of victory, with a minimum of allied casualties.

I could not help but contrast the hon. Gentleman's speech with that of the hon. Member for Clackmannan (Mr. O'Neill). The difference between them raised a question about the real thrust of the defence debate within the Labour party. Although it appears that the Labour party has turned about on its defence policy, a sizeable rump within the party still takes a different view. In the run-up to a general election, the electorate would be wise to ask just to what degree the tail still wags the dog. There is no doubt that CND is still alive and well, and the hon. Member for Leyton is a prominent member. We should not simply accept that the Labour party has changed its spots. I am sure that the electorate will give that careful thought before the next election.

I could not but help also contrasting the hon. Gentleman's speech with that of the hon. Member for Woolwich (Mr. Cartwright). His speech could easily have been made from the Conservative Benches, so there is no reason why he and his two colleagues in the SDP--all that is left of the parliamentary party--should not join us. They would be welcome. I could then refer to the hon. Gentleman as my hon. Friend, which I should be pleased to do. There is certainly plenty of room on our Benches tonight.

All hon. Members have joined in paying the warmest tribute to the Royal Air Force for its dramatically successful role in the recent Gulf conflict. I have heard

Column 492

many hon. Members, especially the members of the Select Committee on Defence, say tonight they they visited the Gulf twice during the war. That may well be the case, but, together with my hon. Friend the Member for Wyre (Mr. Mans) and four other parliamentary colleagues, I was there first, and there must be something in that. We met many of the air and ground crews who were later so successfully engaged in the war against Saddam Hussein. I use those words because it was Saddam Hussein we were fighting rather than the Iraqi people. There is no doubt that the heroism, dedication to duty and skill of our Royal Air Force personnel are second to none.

Mr. Dykes : Would my hon. Friend be interested to know that, as on previous occasions, Air Vice-Marshal Wratten said with great emphasis on Saturday night that the letters and messages from home were of enormous help to the air and ground crews? Those letters included messages from schoolchildren and even from politicians. I could say that letters from politicians are rare, but I would not really mean it. In their initial long wait and then in the shorter waits between sorties and missions, it was extremely moving for the crews to be inundated with messages, which they found of great comfort, from the British people.

Mr. Colvin : I am glad to hear that. My hon. Friend's intervention has reminded me that, when my hon. Friends and I arrived in the Gulf, we were struck by the fact that the main concern of the RAF personnel and the civilian aerospace operatives in Saudi Arabia was what their friends and families back home thought about the situation in the Gulf. There is no doubt that some of the alarmist reports in the newspapers and on television and radio caused anxiety not only to people here, but to those deployed in the Gulf, who felt that the people back home were getting the wrong impression about the dangers in which they were living and working.

I draw the Minister's attention to the need to win the propaganda war, especially in the run-up to a conflict. My hon. Friends and I who visited the Gulf noted the marked contrast between the way in which the United Kingdom's forces handled the media in terms of press and information releases and the way in which the Americans did the same thing. When we returned home, one of the first things that we did was to impress upon the Ministry of Defence the need to improve its press and information services so that the right messages would get through not only to the world's press but to our own press, who were present in the Gulf in great numbers waiting for something to happen.

My right hon. Friend the Minister of State referred earlier to the speed and efficiency of the deployment to the Gulf of our aircraft and airmen in August and September of 1990 and later. A great tribute for the way in which that was managed so successfully must be paid to the British personnel there, especially the 3,500 British Aerospace personnel who were already in the Gulf taking part in the massive Al Yamamah contract, which is the biggest ever single export order for the United Kingdom for the supply of defence hardware to the Saudi Arabians, and which also involves the construction of an air base and, among other things, a town for 25,000 people.

The hon. Member for Clackmannan praised the Saudi Arabian air crews. Having had the opportunity to meet air crews from the Royal Saudi air force, I thoroughly endorse the hon. Gentleman's comments. I well recall our debates

Column 493

in the early 1980s, both inside and outside the House, about the future of the JP233 bomb, which is used for knocking out enemy runways. There was much debate about whether that project should proceed and, like everyone else, I am pleased that it did. The deployment of that bomb calls for exceptional bravery on the part not only of the pilots--there have been many tributes this evening to the bravery of our pilots--but also from men who sometimes do not get the praise that they deserve. I refer to the weapons systems officers, also known as WESOs, who do not fly the aircraft but who sit behind the pilots and have the job of making sure that the systems work. When I was at the Riyadh training centre of the Royal Saudi air force, I suggested that the WESO is as important today as the pilot. It is often felt that those officers are second-class citizens, but that is far from being the case, and we must pay tribute to their work in the Gulf conflict.

I am sure that my hon. Friend the Member for Wyre would be the first to agree that, if the JP233 bomb had been available during the Falklands operation, his task as a Vulcan pilot, taking out the Falklands airport runway, would have been a great deal easier. To win a war, one must have air superiority and air supremacy. The Gulf conflict once again proved the truth of that and demonstrated the need to be one step ahead technically. I join those who have already called for the possible development of a stand- off capability from the JP233 bomb. We saw with amazement some of the feats of the Tomahawk cruise missile. If the JP233 bomb could be given the same flexibility, through wings, an engine and a guidance system, that would be greatly welcomed by all the pilots and WESOs who delivered it so successfully during the Gulf campaign.

Another aspect of the Gulf war was high mobility, which is an important principle of war. When we were in Saudi Arabia, we saw the massive number of helicopters that were already being deployed by the United States of America, including many Sikorsky Black Hawk helicopters. I hope that, when they withdraw their forces from the Gulf, the Americans will not leave that hardware behind, thereby damaging the prospects of stage II of the Al Yamamah project, which includes the supply of 88 Black Hawk helicopters to the Royal Saudi air force. Those helicopters are to be assembled by Westland. The total order is worth about £1 billion, it is important business for Britain and for Westland. I am told that 20 such helicopters are wanted urgently.

Any debate on the Royal Air Force tends to concentrate on fixed-wing aircraft and their weapons, and this evening's debate has been no exception. However, helicopters are also important to the Royal Air Force although it has only eight Chinook helicopters for support purposes, such as for transporting men and materials around the battlefield and elsewhere. Those helicopters are now being successfully deployed in northern Iraq and Turkey, bringing relief to the Kurds.

The defence White Paper states that our Chinooks are being updated to improve their reliability--that is good news--and to extend their life well into the next century. I was sorry that my right hon. Friend the Minister of State did not say anything about helicopters earlier. No doubt he is leaving his views on the subject until his reply.

Column 494

I want to make a few remarks about, first, the supply of the utility EH101 helicopter to the Royal Air Force and, secondly search and rescue operations, about which other hon. Members have spoken and for which helicopters are used by the Royal Air Force.

Four years ago, in April 1987, the then Secretary of State for Defence, my right hon. Friend the Member for Ayr (Mr. Younger), announced that the Ministry of Defence would place an order for 25 utility EH101 helicopters, which were being developed jointly by Westland and Agusta of Italy. Westland has completed phase 1 of a project definition study. It was completed in early 1990. It was proposed to build variants of the basic utility version.

Phase 2 of the study aims to provide more details of the selected variant to enable the project to go to the full development stage. Alas, the delays already experienced mean that the first aircraft is most unlikely to enter service with the RAF until 1998. That is much later than the statement by my right hon. Friend the Member for Ayr suggested. He referred to delivery in the early 1990s. It almost seems as if "Options for Change" is being used as a further reason for delaying the programme, which I regret.

The order for 25 utility EH101s, to be used in the support role, gives the aircraft an important endorsement by the Royal Air Force and helps to spread the cost of developing the technically more sophisticated versions of the EH101 for the Navy and the Army and, of course, developing the aircraft for civil use, where it has considerable potential. The EH101 could not only become the standard British helicopter for all the services but, through Westland's business link with Sikorsky, could find a profitable market in the United States. The aircraft certainly fits neatly into Sikorsky's product range.

I do not wish to give the impression that the EH101 is a drawing board aircraft. Nine pre-production aircraft have flown in Britain and Italy ; 1,000 flying hours and 1,000 separate missions have been completed. The aircraft has landed at sea on frigates. A utility version with a rear landing ramp is flying in Italy, and British troop trials show that 30 combat-equipped soldiers with their support weapons can load in two minutes, which is much quicker than I was ever able to load my platoon into three-ton trucks when I was in the Army.

The EH101 has a top speed of 167 knots, or 193 miles per hour, at 12,000 ft. It can fly backwards and sideways at 50 knots. The test pilots who have flown the aircraft say that it is very free of vibration. Those of us who have flown a lot in helicopters know that vibration is a major problem. When my right hon. Friend the Minister replies, I should like him to tell us when the order will be placed for those 25 utility helicopters.

My right hon. Friend the Minister's review "Options for Change" raises another interesting question. For many years, there has been a debate about who should fly the Army around the battlefield and on other journeys. At present, the Royal Air Force has the job of flying our Chinook helicopters. I would argue that that role should be performed by the Army Air Corps. There have been arguments for and against that. I remind the House that the Army Air Corps is responsible only for flying the Army's helicopters. The RAF flies the Chinooks. The Royal Corps of Transport is responsible for handling the transport of the Army by road, rail and sea. The Royal Fleet Auxiliary sails from the Royal Corps of Transport

Column 495

headquarters at Marchwood in my constituency. I have not heard the suggestion before, but under "Options for Change", my right hon. Friend the Minister might like to consider amalgamating the Royal Corps of Transport and the Royal Army Air Corps and giving them the role of flying the Chinooks and the EH101 utility version helicopters that I hope will be ordered.

Mr. Bill Walker : Before my hon. Friend goes too far down that road, will he remember that one of the reasons why the Royal Air Force is able to have pilots available for all the different roles and activities that it performs is that, for example, if a fast jet pilot injures his back he can be transferred to helicopters? There would be problems in transferring light blue to khaki.

Mr. Colvin : I hear my hon. Friend's remarks. If a debate ensues about who should fly the support helicopters, no doubt my hon. Friend will take an active part in it. His point is a valid one. Admittedly, we live in a changing world, but some trends are clear, even in these uncertain times. One trend that is crystal clear is the requirement for our armed forces to be more mobile. In the main, helicopters--both attack and logistic versions --will give us that mobility. Other countries have no difficulty in recognising that and acting accordingly. The French, Germans and Italians have co-ordinated their efforts, and their manufacturers have a clear idea of their military markets in terms of types and numbers of helicopters for the next 20 years. It is about time that we too made progress on that front.

Our armed forces search and rescue helicopter teams are the envy of the world. In 1989 SAR was called out 1,903 times and rescued 1,275 people in demanding and dangerous situations. Merchant seamen, fishermen and hill climbers were rescued, usually in filthy weather. My hon. Friend the Member for Dumfries (Sir H. Monro), whom I see here in the Chamber, drew attention to the great value of the service. I seem to recall that, during the Lockerbie disaster, SAR performed an important mission. I see my hon. Friend the Member for Dumfries nodding. SAR has an important role to play. However, it is maintained primarily for the military role, which is why I believe that the Royal Air Force should retain responsibility for it. Three years ago a review carried out by the Ministry of Defence showed that there was a need for search and rescue teams to be combat effective. That review concluded that it was a job for the Royal Air Force. I hope that "Options for Change" will not be used as another excuse for prevarication on the subject. I know that the Ministry of Defence has received an unsolicited contractorisation bid from a civilian helicopter firm. I believe that it is Bristow.

Mr. Bill Walker : That is right.

Mr. Colvin : Indeed, it is Bristow. The company is interested in taking on the work performed by at least parts of the military SAR service. Bristow is a splendid firm, I have a high regard for the professional way in which it conducts its operations, especially serving in the North sea. I do not belittle it in any way. However, if the contract went to a civilian firm, it would almost certainly use foreign-built helicopters. If the contract remained in the capable hands of the Royal Air Force, the Ministry of Defence could proceed with replacement of the obsolete,

Column 496

but much-loved, Wessex helicopters with 10 Sea King helicopters from Westland. Another valid commercial reason for replacement with Sea Kings is that, if a decision is not made soon, the Sea King production line may have to close. Therefore, the option of procuring that excellent SAR helicopter would no longer exist. My hon. Friend the Member for Ruislip-Northwood (Mr. Wilkinson) drew attention to the importance of preserving our defence-industrial base, and that must also apply to helicopters.

Many hon. Members will join me in expressing pleasure at the fact that the Westland-Sikorsky solution to Westland's problems has been a great success. I believe that even my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Environment, were he in his place, would probably now agree that going American was better than going European, and Westland's results for last year prove my point.

Sir Leslie Fletcher, chairman of the Westland group, told his shareholders at the annual general meeting in February that orders were up 30 per cent., that profit before tax was up 27 per cent., that earnings per share were up 16 per cent., that gearing was less than 18 per cent. and better than last year and that civil orders' intake was about 40 per cent., with total margins up in all divisions. That has been a real success story. I should like to see the company get the orders to which I referred, to help Westland help the RAF to defend Britain and our allies and our joint interests all over the world.

7.50 pm

Mr. Neville Trotter (Tynemouth) : It is always a pleasure to take part in the annual debate on the Royal Air Force, and this year we are anxious to express the nation's gratitude for the great professionalism, courage and skill shown by all ranks during Operation Granby in the Gulf.

It should be recorded in a debate such as this that the headquarters for the operation was Strike Command headquarters at High Wycombe and that Air Chief Marshal Sir Paddy Hine was the commander in chief of the overall operation. It was, of course, very much a joint operation and credit is due to all those in the command structure as well as to those in the front line. Credit is also due to those who prepared for the unforeseen--for the event that nobody could foretell in detail--so that there was in existence a command structure that was able to adapt itself to the speedily arising crisis thousands of miles away.

For me, the whole of the crisis--the campaign and the build-up to it--was particularly poignant, because I was taking part at the time in the parliamentary liaison scheme, I was thus in regular contact with the young men and women who were called on to respond to the challenge when it came, and they responded in a way of which we can be proud. That came as no surprise to me, after what I had seen of them in their normal operational life.

It was also poignant for me that one of the air crew who was shot down and captured, and who was then paraded on television in breach of the Geneva convention, was one of my constituents. He has been referred to as a weapons system officer, but I still call him a navigator. I believe that I am technically correct, and when I saw that fine young man recently, he was wearing a navigator's uniform.

Mr. Bill Walker : My hon. Friend will know that, in the RAF, navigators frequently drop bombs.

Column 497

Mr. Trotter : My hon. Friend speaks on these issues with great personal knowledge.

I pay tribute to the courage and steadfastness of the parents of young Adrian Nichol, who went through a terrible ordeal, not least because of the dreadful rumours that kept coming out of Iraq and were picked up by the media. Throughout that difficult time, they showed great bravery and determination and utter support for what the Allies were having to do in the Gulf.

The campaign, Operation Granby, was a striking demonstration of the flexibility and effectiveness of air power. An extraordinary feature of the campaign was the way in which, night after night, we were able to see on television in our homes the unfolding of the air war. Nobody can be unaware of the way in which air power contributed dramatically to the allied victory.

The speed of the initial response was truly impressive. Towards the end of the operation, I visited Lossiemouth, where I was particularly struck by the way in which, halfway through the air fighting, the Buccaneer force responded to the call. They had originally volunteered to be in on the action, but it was thought that the Tornados, with the Jaguars, would be able to manage. It was then found that the skills of the Buccaneers--skills that they have honed to a fine art in attacks on shipping, pinpointing such small targets--with their laser-designating system, gave them a part to play in the accurate bombing of targets in the Gulf.

I was impressed, although not surprised, to hear of the way in which, within 48 hours of being asked to get their rather old aircraft to the war, they were off on the nine-and-a-half-hour flight to the Gulf. Those who are not experienced in flying in the back seats of high-performance aircraft, for whom an hour and a half is an exhilarating experience, will wonder how anybody could manage a flight lasting nine or more hours. When the challenge came, they showed their strength and capability.

Reference has been made to the transport force, which operates worldwide in peace time. During Operation Granby, it proved to be the largest air transport operation in the history of the RAF. When I say that to move one squadron of fighters can require up to 90 loads in transport aircraft, the scale and magnitude of what had to be undertaken becomes apparent.

Reference has been made to the role played by the Nimrods. I understand that, during the campaign, they made 5,000 challenges to shipping in the Gulf--an impressive performance. During my visits to the service, I was pleased to meet units of the Auxiliary Air Force, some of whom, as has been said, took part as units and as individuals in the Gulf.

I greatly commend to the House the parliamentary liaison scheme. I was able to see the front line--sadly, not in the Gulf, but in this country on exercise--and to take part in sorties, when the capabilities and skill of the crews and the speed of their reaction were brought home to me. On my flights, I was made very aware of their professionalism and high standard of training. My observations left me in no doubt that there must be constant practice in low-level flying to maintain the standards that are needed.

The experiences that I enjoyed varied between the thrill of flying on the ranges at low level over the sea in a Tornado to flying in a Shackleton. I had last flown in the latter in 1958, and it did not seem to have changed much. I dare say that the sons of the crews who flew me in 1958

Column 498

were flying me on the most recent occasion. That could hardly have been so for the wing commander of the squadron, because I recognised him as an old friend who had been flying for most of the last 30 years, having started as a very young man.

In terms of size, I flew in aircraft varying from the Hercules to the tiny Bulldogs of the Northumbria university air squadron. I was able to visit all three commands ; Strike and Support Commands in the United Kingdom and RAF Germany. I enjoyed a particularly thrilling take-off in a Harrier from a German wood, when it seemed to me that the wing tips were touching the trees on either side. I had my hands on the ejection lever ready instantly to obey the command to get out, without asking questions if anything went wrong. The group captain who had earlier been escorting me was blown over by the efflux from the jets as we passed near him, so close were we to the trees. I was struck by the way in which we could move 1,000 or 1,500 men and 30 or more aircraft and deposit them literally in a field, along with hundreds of lorries and all the stores that go with a wing of aircraft. It was all done smoothly in difficult surroundings. It is such flexibility, training and superb professionalism that enable the service to respond to the unexpected.

I visited a training unit in which I had served as a young man many years ago. When I expressed the wish to see some of the places of which I had happy memories, the commanding officer told me that I would find it very different, as all the old buildings had been pulled down, and mostly that was true. They had been replaced by much more modern buildings than the ones that I remembered but the spirit of the service had not changed. It was as high and fine as I remembered from all those years ago. I made it my business to ask to meet men and women of all ranks. One must be careful because one otherwise might spend most of one's time with the wing commanders. I wanted to speak not only to the air crews but also to those who support them and constitute the training and administrative structure behind them. I also asked to meet the wives, because we should not underestimate the importance of family life in today's modern service.

In south Wales, I visited the RAF factory at St. Athan. I was particularly impressed by the technical skills displayed and the team effort of the civilian and service personnel, which is such a feature of the service today.

It is appropriate tonight to thank a large number of people, starting with my hon. Friend the Member for Ilford, South (Mr. Thorne), who is the brain behind the concept of the parliamentary liaison scheme. I should also like to thank Mr. Speaker for his important role in the scheme, and Ministers, their officers and the air staff who made the scheme possible. I also thank my friendly hosts at the various stations and the enthusiastic staff at the three commands.

Above all, however, I should like to thank the men and women who make it all possible. They discussed with me their capabilities and achievements, together with the challenges before them, and their natural concerns about the future. The importance of maintaining the quality of service life is the main message that I would bring back from my experiences.

A feature that now emerges prominently is the new management strategy. It is not only in the health service that we are seeing efforts to bring about a more responsive budgeting process. Local financial management is now

Column 499

being introduced throughout the services. In general, I found enthusiasm for it, although there was some cynicism about whether the financial savings would be left at the unit concerned, rather than taken away higher up the chain or indeed taken away from the service altogether. It is important that flexibility and savings come from this praiseworthy change in financial control, in which decisions are taken at the bottom, and that there should be local advantages from those changes. I am sure that that is the intention and we must see that it is the way in which it works out in practice.

Lessons will be learnt from the Gulf war, many of them technical. Some may take time to learn but others are more obvious. One such lesson is the importance of smart weapons, which are expensive but which work. They have improved dramatically and we shall need to continue to invest in that direction. Other hon. Members have referred to various individual weapons. I have always felt that stealth aircraft will be a feature in the future of combat aircraft.

I was impressed by the role of the F117 in the Gulf campaign. I understand that it was the only aircraft to bomb Baghdad. Although there were only 40 of them in the Gulf, a high percentage of the most difficult targets were taken out by them. It has been suggested that the Royal Air Force should invest in a small number of those aircraft. That is not a stupid suggestion.

Clearly, our main aircraft for the future will be the European fighter aircraft. I cannot help commenting on the thought that there will not be a navigator or weapons system officer in the back of such aircraft. Despite all the technology in such aircraft, there will be a heavy burden on the individual, who must both pilot it and operate the attack system. We may well need a small number of aircraft with more stealth elements than can be built into the EFA, but that is a technical matter that can be considered in the future.

The flexibility of air power was superbly demonstrated in the Gulf conflict. There will certainly continue to be threats that we cannot now imagine. They will arrive suddenly and will require a capability and speed of response from the Air Force in the future as they have in the past. We must maintain our military capability, and the standard of personnel and equipment. Whatever the outcome of the "Options for Change" review, we must ensure that we maintain the quality of life of those who serve in the air force, as well as in the Army and Navy.

Our motto must be "smaller but better". The reduction of some nine fast jet squadrons, which has been announced, is generally accepted within the service as something that is bound to happen with the change in the balance between east and west and the collapse of the Warsaw pact. We must under "Options for Change" take the opportunity to end the undermanning and overstretch that exists in some parts of the service.

We also need a critical mass. I do not say that the reduction in prospect would overload that, but we are nearing it with the level of reductions suggested. Unless we have a critical mass, we cannot generate adequate forces to respond to the sudden challenge. May I return to the question of the quality of life? These days, wives are very important in regular service life. "Wife power" kept coming through as an important factor in the morale and life of the stations. Nowadays, wives want their family to own their own homes. They want a stable

Column 500

life, but service life is inevitably unstable. They want careers of their own, which is not easy when their husbands are inevitably posted.

The person concerned is usually a wife, but the argument applies both ways to spouses these days. I was struck by the extent to which the service tried hard to be helpful, particularly when both husband and wife were in the Air Force. It went to great lengths to secure postings at the same base or at bases in close proximity. Whenever possible, I met the wives and sought their views. I found that the Air Force had responded positively to the challenge. An organisation entitled HIVE--Help Information and Voluntary Exchange--has introduced successful initiatives among the families in the units. A factor of RAF life is that postings are made individually, unlike the Army, where units are usually moved as a whole and people thus move around together. The same happens with ships' companies in the Royal Navy. From a family point of view, that means that more support is often needed for Royal Air Force families than for those of the Army or Navy.

Morale cannot be quantified, but it is clearly vital. It has never been higher than at present in the air force. We must ensure that it stays that way. In the Gulf, the quality of the service was splendidly demonstrated, and we must retain that quality in the future. It is not just important ; it is essential. It does not matter how good technical equipment is if morale is not high. Unless people are well trained and motivated, we shall not achieve the required standards. There is no doubt that some departments are overstretched. Many units or parts of units work way below established strength. Too often, the establishment does not allow adequately for leave or sickness or for guard duty, which is an increasing feature of today's service, or for frequent absence on detachment, whether to the Falkland islands, Belize or now, presumably, to the Gulf.

Under the "Options for Change" review, we should look carefully into the question of manning and must return to a realistic establishment and see that it is filled. One officer described it to me as the need for a service dividend as well as a peace dividend. As for guard duties, I welcome the recent news that a civilian guard force was to be created. I believe that it should have an expanded role. I did not meet one person who, when serving on guard duty, complained about having to do it. Everyone recognised the need for it but, from time to time, they complained that the duty came round too often ; some said that they had not joined the Royal Air Force to spend considerable periods on guard.

We should seek to expand the civilianisation of guard duties. I cannot help wondering whether there should not also be a greater role for auxiliaries, who are at present forbidden to carry weapons in peacetime under the law. I think that the law needs to be revised. The auxiliaries are keen and the Defence Forces and perhaps, in some cases, part of the Territorial Army could well be happy to undertake the role. We must address that issue in the period ahead. Undoubtedly, there are some difficult judgments to be made and some nice balances to be struck. At times, we have to spend to save. We all know that it is not easy to find the money to put down now to make future savings and promote efficiency in the future. However, if we find the money for new equipment and aircraft, we can save on spares. Old aircraft are expensive in terms of spares and

Column 501

the manpower needed to keep them flying--the Phantom is an example. The removal of the Phantom from the front line will be cost-effective ; large savings will come from it.

There is an argument for having fewer and larger bases, and we could save funds by concentrating activity. However, money has to be put down in the first place to fund that concentration process. You, Madam Deputy Speaker, will hardly be surprised to hear that I believe that there are good arguments for concentrating more on bases in the northern half of the country. It is easier to recruit civilians there than in the south, especially the south-east. It is easier for service personnel to afford houses in the north, where the cost of living tends to be lower and there is a higher satisfaction rate among the service community.

Above all, we must spend on the quality of life, which is not just essential for a happy and efficient service, but also cost-effective. If we do not do that, people will not stay long enough in the service, which is disruptive, removes skills and makes it costly to train replacements. Great opportunities are represented by the decisions that have to be taken under "Options for Change". I am sure that my right hon. Friend and his colleagues will plan wisely as they make major decisions in the immediate future for the benefit of the service.

It has been a great privilege and pleasure to take part in the parliamentary liaison scheme. I believe that the House, as whole and certainly the individuals concerned benefit from that initiative and so does the service. I thoroughly commend it as an enjoyable and very worthwhile experience to any colleagues who are considering applying to take part.

8.13 pm

Next Section

Home Page