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5.19 pm

Mr. Walter Sweeney (Vale of Glamorgan): I oppose the Bill. What we have heard from the hon. Member for Caernarfon (Mr. Wigley) is the politics of socialism and defeatism, which we are so used to hearing from the Opposition, who love to run Wales down. It is clear from what the hon. Gentleman said that Plaid Cymru remains committed to turning Wales into a republic, although there is no significant support for such a proposal in Wales.

The results of the 1992 general election in Wales show that Plaid Cymru mustered only 154,439 out of the 1,748,796 votes cast. That was a mere 8.8 per cent.--less than one third of the number of votes cast for the Conservatives, and less, even, than the number cast for the Liberals, who managed to win only one seat.

Even that very poor result for Plaid Cymru fails to reflect the lack of interest in nationalism in many parts of Wales. In Vale of Glamorgan, for example, Plaid Cymru mustered only 3.5 per cent. of the vote. The reality is that only in a very small part of Wales does that party represent the views of a substantial proportion of the Welsh electorate. Despite that poor mandate, Plaid Cymru has learnt nothing from the ballot box. It would still sacrifice the political and economic interests of Wales, which are best served by it remaining part of the United Kingdom.

Like Labour, Plaid Cymru wants more public spending, higher taxes and the centralisation of power, but it sets out its plans in the hope of concealing the full extent of the damage that it would do. The most damaging aspect of the party's policies is the plan to set up a Welsh

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republic. At its conference at the end of October 1993, delegates overwhelmingly endorsed proposals to establish an independent Welsh republic. So the House will not be fooled by talk of a staged process. Clearly, the long-term objective of Plaid Cymru is to make Wales a republic within the European Community and the Commonwealth.

The hon. Member for Caernarfon can claim at least one merit for his speech; he was consistent. Unfortunately, he was consistently wrong. Most of the people of Wales do not want a Welsh republic. They realise, rightly, that the break-up of the United Kingdom would be bad for every part of it--bad for England, for Scotland, for Northern Ireland and for Wales.

Wales is an important part of the United Kingdom. The cross-fertilisation of ideas and the pooling of resources between the different countries that make up the United Kingdom strengthen us all. Wales is far stronger as part of the United Kingdom than it would be on its own.

The people of Wales are fairly represented at Westminster, especially as the average electorate in Welsh constituencies is significantly smaller than that in English ones. The people of Wales enjoy all the constitutional advantages enjoyed by UK citizens living in England, including the right to be defended by the British armed forces against external aggression.

In addition, we have our own Secretary of State for Wales, who has a strong voice in the Cabinet and at Westminster. Partly because of the way in which successive Secretaries of State for Wales have lobbied on our behalf, we enjoy a significant advantage over England in the amount of central Government financial support that we receive.

Even after the expected increase in council tax bills, we in Wales will still pay considerably less than our counterparts in England. I am sorry to have to spell that out, because right hon. and hon. Members on both sides of the House who represent English constituencies may believe it unfair, especially now that, after 17 years of Conservative Government, the Welsh economy is doing so well.

We have benefited from massive inward investment, thanks in part to the Government's refusal to accept the social chapter. The social costs of labour are considerably lower in the United Kingdom than in our major European rivals, giving businesses in Wales a big advantage. The success of the Government's economic policies and of the Welsh Office in attracting investment to Wales has led to steady reductions in unemployment in Wales, which now, for the first time since records began, is down to the UK average.

The hon. Member for Caernarfon claims that his proposals are gradualist. In this week's edition of The House magazine, he has stated, as he did today, that


He also wrote:


but today he said that the lower chamber would have 100 members--two for each of the 40 constituencies, with 20 added. Whatever the exact figures are, such a parliament would be expensive.

Given the statistics that I have already revealed about Plaid Cymru's poor electoral performance, it is understandable that the hon. Gentleman should favour

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proportional representation. However, nothing could justify having 100 or 120 Members of Parliament for a country the size of Wales. A good case can be made for the proposition that there are already too many Members of Parliament at Westminster. The suggested 100 Members would be far too many for Wales, and would add considerably to the cost of such a parliament.

I note that both Welsh and English would be official languages of the new parliament, which would waste more money. If the proceedings were televised, the many people in Wales who cannot speak Welsh would be unable to understand the debates without subtitles.

The hon. Gentleman proposed a second chamber with two elected representatives from each local authority in Wales. That seems to me a recipe for muddle and waste. Furthermore, the proposal that the new parliament would take over all the present functions of the Secretary of State for Wales and of the quangos would deprive Wales of a voice in the Cabinet, and would cost a substantial sum.

The hon. Gentleman mentioned £25 million as an additional subsidy from the Westminster Parliament. What would English Members say if they were invited to fork out £25 million to run an unwanted Welsh Government? Even worse, the new parliament's legislative capacity would drive a massive wedge between Wales and England. That would grow worse as the two legal systems diverged, creating discrepancies and anomalies across the boundary between the two countries, which would become a border.

The hon. Gentleman envisages that, for the first two years, the new parliament in Wales would receive a block grant based on the amount currently allocated for the transferred functions, plus the £25 million that I have already mentioned. How unfair and how unrealistic that Wales should expect to receive that huge subsidy for going its own way and setting up a parliament that even the people of Wales do not want.

The hon. Gentleman said that the proposed parliament would have direct links with the European Union, which would weaken the negotiating position of the United Kingdom as a whole. He envisages that, during his proposed first stage, Wales would still send Members of Parliament to the House of Commons, but that they would be able to vote only on aspects of policy that had not been transferred to the Welsh Parliament. That might deal with the so-called West Lothian question, but it would mean that all Members representing Welsh constituencies would be semi-neutered part-timers, who would enjoy little respect or influence at Westminster.

The hon. Gentleman said that, after five years, the interim parliament would have the right to seek full self-government for Wales, and to take over the subjects previously reserved for Westminster, with a constitutional referendum as a so-called safeguard to protect the wishes of the people of Wales.

It is easy to see Plaid Cymru's not very well hidden agenda. It wants to neuter Welsh Members of Parliament at Westminster and then say, "We don't need them. Let's have a referendum and get rid of them." With respect, I must point out that we have already had a referendum in Wales, and it showed clearly that the people of Wales did not want devolution. When the implications of costs and of loss of influence at Westminster and in Brussels are taken into account, Plaid Cymru's views will be found to be just as irrelevant to the wishes of Wales as they were in 1992.

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It would be wrong of me to conclude my speech opposing the Bill without stressing that the halfway house proposed by the Labour party is equally repugnant to me as a Conservative and a Unionist. As so often in the past, the Labour party is papering over its deep divisions on this issue to come up with a proposal--any proposal--designed to create the illusion of a workable policy. Labour's concessions to nationalism would imperil the United Kingdom's survival and should be rejected--

Mr. Deputy Speaker (Mr. Michael Morris): Order.

Question put, pursuant to Standing Order No. 19 (Motions for leave to bring in Bills and nomination of Select Committees at commencement of public business):--

The House divided: Ayes 20, Noes 73.

Division No. 62
[5.30 pm


AYES


Ashdown, Rt Hon Paddy
Beith, Rt Hon A J
Bruce, Malcolm (Gordon)
Campbell, Menzies (Fife NE)
Canavan, Dennis
Cunningham, Roseanna
Dafis, Cynog
Ewing, Mrs Margaret
Hughes, Simon (Southwark)
Jones, Ieuan Wyn (Ynys Mon)
Lynne, Ms Liz
Marek, Dr John
Marshall, Jim (Leicester, S)
Michie, Mrs Ray (Argyll & Bute)
Rendel, David
Salmond, Alex
Taylor, Matthew (Truro)
Tyler, Paul
Wallace, James
Wigley, Dafydd

Tellers for the Ayes:


Mr. Andrew Welsh and
Mr. Elfyn Llwyd.


NOES


Alexander, Richard
Alison, Rt Hon Michael (Selby)
Arnold, Jacques (Gravesham)
Banks, Robert (Harrogate)
Barnes, Harry
Body, Sir Richard
Booth, Hartley
Bottomley, Peter (Eltham)
Brazier, Julian
Brown, M (Brigg & Cl'thorpes)
Bruce, Ian (South Dorset)
Butcher, John
Carlisle, John (Luton North)
Cash, William
Day, Stephen
Deva, Nirj Joseph
Dover, Den
Duncan-Smith, Iain
Dunn, Bob
Fabricant, Michael
Forman, Nigel
Fox, Rt Hon Sir Marcus (Shipley)
Gale, Roger
Gallie, Phil
Gill, Christopher
Gorst, Sir John
Greenway, Harry (Ealing N)
Grylls, Sir Michael
Hamilton, Neil (Tatton)
Hargreaves, Andrew
Harris, David
Hawksley, Warren
Hayes, Jerry
Howell, Sir Ralph (N Norfolk)
Hughes, Robert G (Harrow W)
Jackson, Robert (Wantage)
Jessel, Toby
Johnson Smith, Sir Geoffrey
Kellett-Bowman, Dame Elaine
Lamont, Rt Hon Norman
Mans, Keith
Marshall, John (Hendon S)
Martin, David (Portsmouth S)
Mills, Iain
Monro, Rt Hon Sir Hector
Neubert, Sir Michael
Nicholson, David (Taunton)
Patnick, Sir Irvine
Pawsey, James
Redwood, Rt Hon John
Riddick, Graham
Shaw, David (Dover)
Shepherd, Sir Colin (Hereford)
Skinner, Dennis
Smith, Sir Dudley (Warwick)
Spicer, Sir James (W Dorset)
Stern, Michael
Stewart, Allan
Sumberg, David
Tapsell, Sir Peter
Thomason, Roy
Thompson, Sir Donald (C'er V)
Townsend, Cyril D (Bexl'yh'th)
Tracey, Richard
Twinn, Dr Ian
Viggers, Peter
Walker, Bill (N Tayside)
Whitney, Ray
Wiggin, Sir Jerry
Wilkinson, John
Williams, Rt Hon Alan (Sw'n W)
Winterton, Nicholas (Macc'f'ld)
Yeo, Tim

Tellers for the Noes:


Mr. Walter Sweeney and
Mr. Michael Stephen.

Question accordingly negatived.

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