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10.29 am

Mr. Malcolm Bruce (Gordon): I am grateful for the opportunity to speak, and I intend to be brief. I shall press the Minister to answer a particular question. Is there any liaison between the Northern Ireland Office and the Scottish Office, aimed at ensuring that, in terms of the Florence agreement, there is an agreed path towards beginning the accelerated cull, at least in Northern Ireland and Scotland, and that that can be put forward as part of the United Kingdom proposals under the agreement?

I am sure that hon. Members from Northern Ireland will agree when I tell the Minister that, if the Government simply stand by what the Minister of Agriculture said in the House on Monday, there will be not only anxiety but anger in Scotland and in Northern Ireland, because the interests of people there are being sacrificed for the sake of the division of opinion within the United Kingdom. What I propose seems to be within the Government's power, even considering the understood difficulties that they face.

The Minister must accept that Northern Ireland has an especially good record on the incidence of BSE, and also has a traceability scheme. Scotland comes close behind in terms of its incidence, which is falling, and also has an accreditation scheme. The scheme would be better if it were fully computerised, and we would like help from the Scottish Office so that that can be done.

It is not acceptable for Scottish and Irish specialist beef producers to be told that, despite assurances by the Prime Minister, no less, that, under the Florence agreement,

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there would be progress towards the lifting of the ban, and despite the recognition that Scotland and Northern Ireland could be in the vanguard of the process, their interests will not be taken forward.

Everybody recognises that the problem cannot simply be regionalised. That would be an over-simplistic solution. But we cannot allow the present state of confusion, disarray and shambles to continue, with specialist beef producers given no idea of what they can expect. They are now buying cattle at 25 to 30 per cent. below last year's market prices, in the hope that the home market will hold together and that there will be no further crisis to depress prices. They have to gamble on whether the export ban will be lifted within the maturation period of the cattle now coming on to the market. That is a pretty difficult situation for farmers to operate in.

The hon. Member for Glasgow, Springburn (Mr. Martin) talked about his local special interest, but I believe that in my constituency I may have a greater concentration of beef production in all its aspects, across the board and from start to finish, than any other Member who represents anywhere else in the United Kingdom.

Of course it is not only farmers who are affected. Cattle marts, abattoirs, refrigeration and transport companies and a variety of other service companies are affected, too. Thousands of jobs are at stake and thousands of incomes severely depressed. People face potential ruin. Yet, six months into the crisis, the Government have not even carried out their basic undertakings to the European Commission, which were to put forward detailed proposals on how to implement an agreed cull.

Worse than that, the Government are now backing off, saying that they are not sure whether there is a case for going ahead with the cull that they previously agreed. The hon. Member for South Down (Mr. McGrady) is right to say that the good will that has existed so far within the European Commission will evaporate if we do not make detailed proposals, as we have undertaken to do.

It is not good enough for Ministers to say that there is new scientific information. There is always new scientific information. That is the nature of science--and it is no excuse for not having made proposals on the basis of the scientific information available. If that includes a Government belief that, since the Florence agreement, new data have appeared that affect the outcome, let us by all means incorporate them into the detailed proposals.

Farmers in Northern Ireland and Scotland, and all those whose work is ancillary to the beef production industry, demand that the Government take action under the terms of the Florence agreement. Will the Minister tell me whether there is active discussion between his Department and the Scottish Office so that they will be able to lead the way for the United Kingdom out of the bind, and implement the Florence agreement?

10.34 am

Rev. William McCrea (Mid-Ulster): I congratulate the hon. Member for South Down (Mr. McGrady) on his timely action in bringing this matter before the House. I assure him, and the leader of his party, that the leader of my party and all its Members will join the other Members of the House, especially those from Northern Ireland, in making a united case. That has been happening already. Only the other day, the three Members of the European Parliament for Northern Ireland stood united, shoulder to shoulder, on the important issue before us.

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I am delighted that the Minister of State is at the Dispatch Box to answer the debate, because I believe that he is genuinely interested in all matters relevant to the Province.

Sad to say, while we were facing a great crisis, other European countries tried to take advantage of the problems facing our beef industry, and of the British horror scenario. But for some of them it backfired. They intended to enter the markets to take advantage of our tragedy, but found that raising the issue backfired on them at home.

The crisis affects not only agriculture but Northern Ireland as a whole, because the beef industry is our chief industry, and is worth £500 million to the Northern Ireland economy. It employs not only 25,000 people directly, on the farms and in processing, but many thousands of others in packaging, transport, distribution and sales. That is why the spin-off from the tragedy is hitting so many of our people. If decisive action is not taken soon, there will be no beef industry left. Radical steps are needed to restore confidence.

The ban on beef exports hits Northern Ireland especially hard because, as has already been said, 70 to 80 per cent. of all our beef production is sold outside the Province. Therefore, the fight must continue to establish that Ulster beef should have a BSE status separate from that of the rest of the United Kingdom.

Many of the reasons have been outlined already. Compared with the mainland, there is a minimal incidence of BSE in Northern Ireland; 34 per cent. of herds on the mainland have been struck by BSE, but only 3 per cent. of the herds in Northern Ireland. In Great Britain, 160,000 BSE cases have been recorded; the figure for Northern Ireland is 1,600. Yet Northern Ireland has more than 10 per cent. of the United Kingdom beef herd.

The main difference between the situation in Northern Ireland and that in the rest of the United Kingdom is that a full record is kept, which means that the background, health and contacts of all cattle are fully traceable. It has been acknowledged that we have one of the best schemes anywhere in Europe. Not only that, but other countries in the European Community have acknowledged that we have the best beef production anywhere in the world.

I know of countries that would be proud to accept Ulster beef, and delighted to sell it on their markets--but unfortunately, because of the decision in Europe, that cannot be done. I believe that the quality of our beef can meet the challenge of that produced anywhere else in the world, and that we could market it. But market outlets in Europe and beyond have made it clear that, although they would be prepared to sell our beef, they are prevented from doing so. The case for a separate BSE status for Northern Ireland beef is unassailable.

The farmers are the innocent people in the story. They did nothing wrong. They listened to the guidance given them by the Department. Yet despite that, they are paying the price. We must recognise that the farmers did not do something wrong to make a quick buck or a quick pound, and the Government owe it to a vital industry to compensate them during this great crisis.

It is sad to see big men in markets with tears in their eyes as they give away their cattle, but they realise that they cannot keep the animals, as they do not have feedingstuffs for the winter. The farming industry must

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not allow any dealer to make himself fat from the horror and tragedy that many ordinary decent farmers are facing because of these burdens.

As summer comes to an end, feeding cattle outside will be drawn to a conclusion. We are now entering the winter months, and many farmers will not have the finance necessary to provide food for their animals. I know of farmers who have gone to the bank and have been told not to write another cheque--not even for food for their own families. We must remember that many banks encouraged farmers to borrow, but--at the first sign of crisis--they will not even allow a farmer to write a cheque to put food on the table for his family. This is a human crisis, as well as an appalling crisis facing the industry.

In a recent debate in another forum, it was unanimously demanded that Northern Ireland be recognised as having special status for BSE purposes, so that the worldwide export ban can be lifted as quickly as possible; that the backlog of cattle in the over-30-month cattle slaughter scheme be eliminated; that BSE flagging should apply to herds, and not holdings, and that a voluntary buy-up scheme be introduced for BSE flagged suckler herds; that specific beef intervention for Northern Ireland be introduced; that the Government provide fair and adequate compensation for beef producers in keeping with their previous commitments; and that the HLCAs be increased in the autumn review.

These points have been unanimously expressed by hon. Members today. I hope that, as a result of the political unanimity in Northern Ireland, the Minister will concede our request, and that the Government will take urgent action on this very important issue.


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