Select Committee on Trade and Industry First Report


THE REGULATORY REGIME

  10. The present form of economic regulation of the utilities in the UK is coeval with their privatisation. The long titles of the Telecommunications Act 1984, the Gas Act 1986, the Electricity Act 1989, the Water Act 1991 and the Railways Act 1993 all begin with a declaration that the Act is to establish the appointment and functions of a Director General.

  11. The system of arm's length economic regulation by Directors General independent of the Government was intended, the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) told us, to leave the management of the privatised companies free, without Government interference, "to promote ... a competitive market and to protect the interests of consumers in those areas where competition has not yet developed, or where natural monopoly is likely to remain", without Government interference. They added "an effective regulatory regime was ... necessary ... to secure increased efficiency, lower prices, and better quality by promoting competition and protecting consumers' interests in markets which were dominated by powerful incumbents, and in which there remained large elements of monopoly".[4] Such a summary suggests that regulation might be regarded as a substitute for competition; indeed some members of the Royal Academy of Engineering suggested that regulation "should be seen as a temporary phase, necessary only until the appropriate market-based mechanisms are put in place".[5] All other evidence, however, was based on the premise that, for the foreseeable future, regulation would be necessary in respect of the monopoly elements of the businesses (the pipes and wires) and to protect certain disadvantaged groups of consumers. We agree.

  12. There is currently one mainland regulator for gas, the Director General of Gas Supply (DGGS) and one for electricity, the Director General of Electricity Supply (DGES). Electricity regulation in Scotland, where the electricity industry is structured otherwise than in England and Wales, is handled by a regional branch of the Office of Electricity Supply (OFFER) and in Northern Ireland the Director General of Electricity Supply for Northern Ireland now deals with both electricity and the embryonic gas supply industry.

  13. As a means to fulfilling their duties, each regulator sets the maximum prices which may be charged by regulated companies. The first price controls after privatisation, in gas and electricity, were set by the Government, with subsequent ones being set periodically by the regulators, typically for 4 or 5 years but varying from industry to industry and company to company. The formula chosen by the Government was broadly that price increases should be no more than the increase in the retail price index (RPI) over the period, plus or (more usually) minus a certain percentage colloquially known as `X' (see para 35). The regulators have maintained that system.

  14. As the United Gas Company told us "the electricity and gas industries are similar in overall concept in that they both comprise a commodity supply business through a regulated transportation medium. However, there are substantial differences".[6] They have different structures, resulting from the way in which they were privatised.

  15. British Gas was privatised as a single entity, split into six divisions in 1994[7] and has now demerged to form two principal companies, BG, whose major asset is the pipeline network called TransCo, and Centrica, providing the British Gas services and the shops and energy centres.[8]

  16. The players in the privatised electricity industry were more numerous from the start. Following the original privatisation there existed in England and Wales:

    --   Two privatised generating companies, National Power and PowerGen;

    --   One (nuclear) generating company, which remained in public ownership until July 1996 when the greater part of it was privatised as British Energy;

    --   Twelve Regional Electricity Companies (RECs) each of which had at the time a local monopoly of supply in its area for customers with an annual consumption below 1 megawatt (MW) and which was responsible for the local distribution network;

    --   National Grid Company plc (NGC), the national transmission system, originally owned by the RECs collectively but subsequently separately floated as the National Grid Group.

Following privatisation there existed, in Scotland:

    --   Two privatised vertically-integrated companies, ScottishPower and Scottish Hydro-Electric;

    --   Scottish Nuclear, which was then publicly owned.

  17. It can be seen that the elements of generation, transmission, distribution and supply were differently distributed in the two industries; as United Gas explained "in the case of electricity, regulated distribution and supply companies were created as single entities whereas in gas, regulated distribution and supply was further combined with non-regulated upstream business (supply, exploration and production, (etc))".[9] Differences between regulatory experiences can be attributed in part to the different shapes of the industries and to the differing chronologies.

  18. In the years since privatisation, competition has been progressively established in varying degrees, in both the gas and electricity industries. (For a discussion of this and of the effect on the extent of regulation, see paras. 79-96 below.)

  19. The early history of regulation in gas was characterised by acrimonious relations between British Gas and the regulator. Trials of strength between that company and the regulator are still proceeding, as evidenced by the dispute over the TransCo price formula.[10] In electricity there seems never to have been quite the same level of animosity, a circumstance the current DGES Professor Stephen Littlechild, attributed to chronological accident, saying "I think ... in the electricity industry they had seen some of the conflicts elsewhere and they said basically `we are not going to have that kind of conflict with the regulator'".[11] In both cases disputes have been characterised by appeals to the media and a certain personalisation of the argument.[12]


4  Ev. p.316. Back

5  Mem. p.100. Back

6  Ev. p.22. Back

7  Q.900. Back

8  Q.1075. Back

9  Ev. p.20. Back

10  QQ.14, 901. Back

11  Q.1059. Back

12  Ev. p.23. Back


 
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Prepared 18 March 1997