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11.55 am
Mr. Stephen Twigg (Enfield, Southgate): It is a great privilege to have the opportunity to make my maiden speech so early in the parliamentary Session, and I am delighted to be here as the first ever Labour Member of Parliament for the constituency of Enfield, Southgate. I hope to be the first in a long line of Labour Members of Parliament elected by the people of Enfield, Southgate, where I was born and brought up.
During my lifetime, there have been just two Members of Parliament for the constituency before me. Michael Portillo was elected in a by-election in 1984. Shortly after his election to Parliament, he visited Southgate school, where I was then a sixth former. Although our politics were miles apart, Michael Portillo impressed me then as an articulate, charismatic and candid politician. Since then, he has provided more than 12 years of professional service to the people of Enfield, Southgate. During the general election campaign, on our rare encounters, he was always courteous and charming, and on the night of the election count his dignity in defeat earned him widespread and well-deserved respect. I am sure that, if he chooses to do so, he will continue to play an important role in the public life of this country.
Mr. Portillo succeeded Sir Anthony Berry, who was tragically killed in the Brighton conference bombing in 1984. Sir Anthony Berry represented the people of Enfield, Southgate for more than 20 years in the House and is still remembered with great respect and affection by many of my constituents. In his maiden speech here in 1965, Sir Anthony warned of the dangers of the introduction of comprehensive education in Enfield. As a product of Southgate comprehensive school, I have to say that I think that many of his fears have proved to be unfounded.
Enfield, Southgate is a wonderful and diverse local constituency. We embrace both the busy, urban life of Palmers Green and the north circular road, and the rural tranquillity of Hadley Wood and the green belt. Much of my constituency is a collection of villages--Southgate Green, Oakwood, Grange Park and Winchmore Hill, which has been spared a drive-through McDonald's because of the determined opposition of local people and the good sense of our local Labour-controlled council.
Southgate's diversity is a great strength. It is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious community. Only this week, I had the privilege to lay the foundation stone for the new Hindu community centre of the Darji Mitra Mandal. There is a large Jewish community, as well as significant numbers of Christians, Muslims and Sikhs. It will be a privilege to represent them all.
During my election campaign, perhaps the biggest single issue on the doorstep was the future of the island of Cyprus. I warmly welcome the Government's commitment in the Gracious Speech to seeking a just and lasting settlement in Cyprus and I look forward to giving my full and active support to those efforts.
Perhaps the most positive feature of the recent campaign for me was the opportunity to discuss politics with large numbers of young, first-time voters in my constituency. For me, the first sign of the large swing to
Labour in Enfield, Southgate came with the results of the mock elections at our three local secondary schools, Winchmore, Broomfield and Southgate. All three schools voted Labour by overwhelming majorities. That showed the way forward for the results in Enfield, Southgate.
I have never accepted the widely held idea that young people today are apathetic and not interested in politics. I am involved in a Fabian Society research project working with young, first-time voters, talking to them about their attitudes and opinions. In my experience, young people have clear values and strong opinions. What they reject is not politics itself, but the way we do politics in this country--the style, the language and, above all, the adversarial culture. It is an adversarial culture which is best symbolised by the old way that Prime Minister's Question Time was done. I am sure that many people will welcome the change made in the past week.
At the election, the biggest swing to Labour was among first-time voters. This Parliament owes it to our young people to forge a new sort of politics based on consensus, dialogue and co-operation. That is why constitutional reform is so important.
I welcome the commitments in the Gracious Speech to devolution, the incorporation of the European convention on human rights and to reform of Parliament itself. This is not some arcane, abstract debate that is of interest only to the so-called chattering classes. It is about devolving power to the people and starting to restore people's faith in politics.
As a Greater London Member of Parliament, I especially welcome the proposals for a new strategic authority and a directly elected mayor for London. This country is alone in the democratic world in denying its capital city a democratic voice. The removal of that voice was one of the most petty and vindictive acts of the previous Government. I look forward to a new elected authority, working alongside an elected mayor. The mayor will be a powerful champion of London's interests, ensuring that our first-class capital city has the impact and influence that it rightly deserves. I hope that all hon. Members representing London, regardless of their party, will unite in campaigning for a yes vote in the proposed Londonwide referendum.
Constitutional reform is not some academic debating point; it has real relevance to the bread and butter concerns of our constituents. A new authority for London can start to improve the appalling state of our transport system. Greater London's crumbling transport infrastructure is letting down the people and the economy of this great city. We need a new authority and we need a new mayor to take the lead and get London moving again. The Labour party supports a proportional voting system for the proposed new Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly. I hope that we shall also adopt a similar system for the new London authority. That will ensure that we have a credible London voice representing the diversity of opinion in our capital city.
More widely, as my hon. Friend the Member for Great Grimsby (Mr. Mitchell) said, our manifesto proposes a commission on electoral reform for the House of Commons, followed by a referendum. Proportional representation for this House is an idea whose time has come. Electoral reform is an important democratic
change, which will assist in the renewal of hope and faith in politics itself. Labour's proposed referendum will enable the people to decide how the House is elected. It is a momentous and crucial commitment. Following the election result in Scotland, Wales and much of urban England, it is an argument that I hope the Opposition will take more seriously than they have done, both in the interests of democracy and of their party.
Mr. David Trimble (Upper Bann):
First, I must congratulate you, Mr. Deputy Speaker, on the position in which you find yourself and Labour Members on their election success. I wish them all the best for this Parliament.
I am particularly pleased to be able to follow the maiden speech of the hon. Member for Enfield, Southgate (Mr. Twigg), which was a pleasure to listen to. Of course, I did not agree with all of it, but it was thoughtful and I think we have someone here who will make a significant contribution to the House. I did not see the television coverage in question, but I understand that one of the great pleasures that people derived from watching it and one of the high points was seeing the astonishment of the hon. Gentleman when he won the seat. I hope that the hon. Gentleman will enjoy his stay in the House.
I should like to take up some points from the Prime Minister's speech on Wednesday, but, before doing that, I want to query a passage at the beginning of the speech. He was clearly speaking from the heart when he referred to new Labour as
The question for the Prime Minister and the Labour party is that when they speak about "our country" and "our nation" do they include all of our country and our nation or are they mentally censoring out the British people of Ulster? That is a question for them to ponder. Old Labour discriminated against our part of the United Kingdom and the old Labour rules that new Labour has inherited prevent anybody in Northern Ireland from even joining the Labour party. That is a unique disadvantage for the people of Northern Ireland and it is not shared by people anywhere else in the world.
In every other country, people can join the Labour party or one of its support organisations. That leads to the joke which I told at the Labour party conference. It caused some amusement, but it is not original, and it is the question of what one do in Bangkok but not in Belfast. The answer, of course, is join the Labour party because everything else that can be done in Bangkok can be done in Belfast. The substantial point relates to whether new Labour will try to be a party and a Government for the whole nation. I hope that they will meet that challenge.
I refer with approval to another passage in the Prime Minister's speech. He said:
There is a need for representative local government in Northern Ireland. The Secretary of State for Scotland spoke about the need for devolution in Scotland and justified it by referring to Scotland's separate legal system and its social differences. Those arguments apply with equal force to Northern Ireland, which also has a separate legal system and where there are clear differences in social and cultural attitudes and, in some cases, even national allegiance. There is a clear need for devolution.
I have some queries about the meaning of some parts of the Gracious Speech. The commitment to incorporate the European convention on human rights has been mentioned, and in principle I approve of that. However, I am a little curious about why the main part of the Gracious Speech refers to incorporating
I want to query also a reference in the paragraph relating to Northern Ireland. It announces that the Government will bring forward legislation to deal with
There are some areas where one could go beyond the European convention on human rights. The United Nations declaration on human rights and the UN covenant on civil and political rights contain provisions dealing particularly with civil and political rights that are not contained in the European convention, which is quite a modest document. I would look favourably on the incorporation of some of the provisions in the UN declaration and in the UN covenant. It would be interesting.
Some hon. Members may recall how, in the previous Parliament, I regularly made the point and supported it with detailed argument to show that the direct-rule regime in Northern Ireland is in conflict with the UN covenant. Never did I hear any coherent response from the Government Benches. It will be interesting if we manage to move to those matters. Of course, it would be better to remove that inconsistency and to ensure that the same quality of democracy existed in Northern Ireland as exists elsewhere in the UK.
Other points in the Northern Ireland paragraph will no doubt be amplified by my hon. Friends speaking on other days in the debate, but I read with concern the passing reference in the paragraph to matters such as increasing confidence in policing. When dealing with Northern Ireland, it is not wise to use language in that fashion without explaining what one means. From speaking to people in Northern Ireland during the election and since, I know that the bland reference in the Labour party manifesto to reform of the police caused considerable unease and did much to increase tension in Northern Ireland.
In the absence of any detailed explanation by Labour of its intentions, the phrase was interpreted as meaning a commitment by Labour to adopt the republican attitude to policing. Labour referred to confidence-building measures on policing. What it means, of course, is the abolition of the Royal Ulster Constabulary or its reconstruction out of recognition. I hope that that is not the Government's intention, but it is necessary to spell out that intention because to introduce such phrases without giving an explanation gives rise to increased tension and causes alarm. It is not wise to do that.
I note also the reference to reducing "tension over parades". If the Government were to give more confidence to the community about their overall objectives, that would reduce tension over parades. The main point to remember about parades is that they are not a cause; they are a symptom. The tensions that arise there are symptoms of other causes. That should be borne in mind.
I shall not go into detail on that topic because, as I say, I hope that a colleague of mine will go into it in more detail, but I will share with the House just a few quotes, as it were. In a secret speech last November in Athboy in the Republic of Ireland, the gentleman who has been returned to serve as Member of Parliament for Belfast, West, but who is refusing to discharge his obligation, said:
Last autumn, Irish officials at the Anglo-Irish intergovernmental secretariat in Northern Ireland were heard to say--they attend the inter-party talks and, consequently, there is some awareness of their views--that they realised that, last summer, they had gone too far. They know, even if hon. Members do not, that they exercise governmental functions within Northern Ireland. I should like to think that their mistake was simply through ignorance of the facts in Northern Ireland, but I fear that that is not the case. I fear that their malevolence played a greater part. It is a reproach to the Opposition spokesman, the right hon. Member for Devizes (Mr. Ancram), that they were allowed to play such a part in destabilising society in Northern Ireland.
Much more admirable is the approach adopted by the hon. Member for Foyle (Mr. Hume). In the Irish Times on 19 October 1996 he referred to a controversial parade and said:
On the Government's main proposals on constitutional matters and the principles that they have announced, one would endorse the commitments that they gave in their manifesto to decentralisation, devolution, openness and accountability. I should be delighted to see greater and more effective accountability, and greater openness. I endorse entirely the proposition that there should be decentralisation and devolution.
My party has never been opposed to devolution in principle. We have been keenly interested in the details. I was interested to hear the powerful speech of the hon. Member for Linlithgow (Mr. Dalyell) who raised questions about the Scottish proposals. They were very well put and deserve an answer. We will listen carefully to the answers. We are greatly interested in the details of devolution. Our experience in Northern Ireland is worth considering, because advantage can be gathered from it. We certainly hope to take part in the debate: I trust that there will be a proper debate.
One of the disadvantages of sending these important issues upstairs to a Standing Committee is that not all views in the House can be expressed in such a Committee. That is particularly true for smaller parties, such as ours, whose members rarely find themselves on Standing Committees considering major issues. That is one of the reasons why it is so important for constitutional issues to be dealt with on the Floor of the House. The full range of opinion in the House can then be expressed properly.
We have no problems with devolution in principle: indeed, in some areas we favour it. The Conservatives continue to make the mistake of arguing that there is a necessary connection between devolution and disunity. There is no necessary connection: it does not follow from the nature or the basic concept of devolution. It depends very much on the nature of the devolution, on the extent of the powers given and on the social context in which it happens. Devolution in Northern Ireland did not lead to disunity and did not weaken the kingdom: the kingdom was stronger during devolution. The United Kingdom has been demonstrably weakened since the ending of devolution in Northern Ireland.
We must consider the practical matters. Devolution will work if we get the details right and if there is sensible co-operation between the centre and the regions. Sensible co-operation means a clear delineation and definition of responsibilities. Failure to respect the regions causes problems: that is one of the mistakes that the Conservative party made over the years. The feeling in the regions that they have been treated unfairly has fuelled the demand for devolution, although those demands and the attitudes to them are sometimes unrealistic.
The Government are in danger--particularly with regard to Scotland--of overselling their proposals and creating expectations that will not be met. That would play into the hands of those who are hostile to the existence of the Union, and that is not in Scotland's interest. Ministers are more realistic about devolution in Wales. They should not oversell the issues.
Possibilities for significant policy differences between the regions are very limited. Even now, I do not think that it would be possible to return to the situation that prevailed in Northern Ireland between 1922 and the late-1960s. It would not be possible to sustain a policy in Northern Ireland that was significantly different from that in other parts of the United Kingdom, primarily because the expectations of people there and those in the rest of the UK are set primarily by the media. The UK media are highly centralised and unified, and it is consequently not possible to maintain significantly different social provision levels in the various areas, because people will be aware of those differences through the national media and make their demands. Radical differences in social provision in the United Kingdom are also not possible, because it is a highly integrated state. We must remember that important fact.
We also cannot go too far down the devolution road and create a quasi-federal arrangement in the United Kingdom, primarily because England would not want to do so. England, which contains more than 80 per cent. of the UK population, will inevitably be the centre of gravity. That is a basic reality within which those who argue for devolution---whether in Northern Ireland, Scotland or Wales--will have to work.
Equally, it must be realised that the United Kingdom is not a uniform state, and that it is right to have a regional policy that recognises the different regions. Such a policy may not seem intellectually neat, but it would reflect the reality of the situation if regional bodies--whether they are called assemblies, councils or something else--are established in the other parts of the United Kingdom, and it would emphasise a regional aspect that might otherwise be ignored by institutions that are too tightly focused on the United Kingdom.
In the interests of the regions, I strongly believe that fiscal unity of the United Kingdom should be maintained. Once we vary tax rates, we strike at the very core of the argument for equal service provision, which is the other side of the coin. If we vary tax rates, we cannot claim to provide services equally. Because higher expenditure levels are often necessary in some areas to achieve an equal quality of service, that would be very much against the regions' interests.
"the one nation party in British politics today."
Later in his speech he told hon. Members:
"They will see Labour Members of Parliament from every part of the country; every region, every nation."
I see a smile on the faces of some Labour Members and my next point is obvious and predictable. While the Prime Minister's ambition is laudable, it is not accurate because there are no Labour Members from one of the constituent parts of the United Kingdom, part of which I have the honour to represent. That is not a petty point: it is a substantive one.
"Britain . . . must change a situation in which unelected quangos spend more money than elected local government".--[Official Report, 14 May 1997; Vol. 294, c. 61-62.]
I say, "Hear, hear" to that. I hope that when the Prime Minister looks at those quangos that spend more than local government he will also look at the situation in Northern Ireland where, thanks to the previous Government, unelected quangos spend nine times as much as what is called local government in Northern Ireland. Hon. Members may think that local government in England, Scotland and Wales is disadvantaged, but in Northern Ireland it is so limited that quangos spend nine times as much.
"the main provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights."
It is all or nothing for that. I commend to the House the thoughtful contributions by Opposition Members on some of the practical problems of incorporation. Those need to be considered and I speak as someone who, in principle, favours incorporation. We must look carefully at the implications for the House and for the ability of the people of the United Kingdom to control the legislation that affects them. That is important because when we try to protect the position of the House we do not do it for the benefit of the more than 600 Members but for the benefit of the people who sent us here because we are the guardians of their rights.
"other measures to protect human rights".
One queries what that might mean, because it clearly envisages something that goes beyond the European convention. It must go beyond the convention because it cannot be less and it cannot depart from provisions in the convention without being in breach of that. I should like to know the Government's thinking on that matter.
"Ask any activist in the North did Drumcree happen by accident . . . they will tell you No. Three years work went into creating that situation . . . and they are the type of scene changes we have to focus in on and develop."
That is part of what I mean when I say that we have to bear in mind what is a cause and what is an effect, and who is creating a problem and who is manipulating it.
"Given the Apprentice Boys are marching early in the morning and that only local members will take part in a 20 minute parade . . . I think they should be allowed to have their parade and that their rights should be respected."
I heartily endorse the hon. Gentleman's view.
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