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(1) during the present Parliament, Standing Orders Nos. 99 (Scottish Grand Committee (substantive motions for the adjournment)) and 100 (Scottish Grand Committee (sittings)) shall have effect subject to the following modifications--
(i) in paragraph (3) of Standing Order No. 99, for lines 19 to 30 there shall be substituted--
"(3) The days specified for the consideration of motions for the adjournment of the committee under this order shall be allocated as follows--
(a) four at the disposal of the government;
(b) two at the disposal of the leader of the largest Opposition party in Scotland; and
(c) two at the disposal of the leader of the next largest Opposition party in Scotland:"; and
(ii) in paragraph (1) of Standing Order No. 100 there shall be substituted for the word "twelve" in line 21 the word "eight".
(2) the Speaker shall put forthwith the Question on any Motion to vary the provisions of this Order, and proceedings thereon may be disposed of after the time for opposed business.

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Northern Ireland

5.17 pm

The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland (Marjorie Mowlam): I beg to move,

That the draft Northern Ireland Act 1974 (Interim Period Extension) Order 1997, which was laid before this House on 17th June, be approved.

The order will extend for a further 12 months the so-called interim period during which the government of Northern Ireland is carried out under "the direction and control" of the Secretary of State. So far, that temporary arrangement has lasted for 23 years. I regard that as a sorry state of affairs.

The people of Northern Ireland need and deserve political structures that are more accountable to them and more responsive to their needs. The Government are determined to put power back into the hands of the people throughout the United Kingdom. Our approach is based on principles of openness and local accountability and those hold true in Northern Ireland too.

Quite apart from those general arguments, bringing power closer to people in Northern Ireland could play a significant part in healing divisions and encouraging people to work together. It is widely acknowledged that any new arrangements for Northern Ireland must involve power and responsibility sharing among representatives of all main sections of the community there. Devolution of power on that basis could be an important symbol of partnership and working together, giving positive leadership in the interests of all in Northern Ireland.

It has long been recognised that any successful settlement must address the totality of relationships within these islands. We want to move to a situation in which real power is exercised in a co-operative spirit by and for the people of Northern Ireland; a positive and constructive relationship between the two parts of the island of Ireland produces mutual benefit; a consensus on constitutional issues settles old fears and further enables Britain and Ireland to work closely together; and both main parts of the community in Northern Ireland can express their different national identities without appearing to threaten the other.

Such a political settlement is possible, and I am determined to facilitate progress in that direction. That will be our goal in the months ahead. Is it possible that, by this time next year, I shall be able to tell the House, with confidence, that the interim period which has lasted since 1974 is coming to an end? I look to hon. Members from Northern Ireland for encouragement, but, like them, I know that achieving that goal will be far from easy.

At least the machinery for making progress is in place. The multi-party negotiations have a further year to run. Nine of the 10 elected parties are there. Independent chairmen have been appointed to facilitate relevant aspects of the negotiation and have won the respect and confidence of both Governments and of the Northern Ireland parties. We are grateful to those independent chairmen. Rules of procedure have also been drawn up and agreed. The time has now come to use that machinery intensively to make real progress over the coming months.

The Government are determined to do all that we can to aid that progress. Obviously, we want the talks to take place in a peaceful atmosphere. We want Sinn Fein to be there, representing its electorate, but, as my right hon. Friend the

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Prime Minister has made clear, a political settlement of the kind that I have described is an urgent necessity--whether or not Sinn Fein is involved in negotiating it. As we have said so many times in the past couple of weeks, the ball is in Sinn Fein's court. We have been straight with Sinn Fein, as the published aide memoire shows, but the republican movement now has to make up its mind. The whole world knows that. If its representatives cannot rise to the challenges of democracy, they can have no place in shaping the future arrangements for Northern Ireland.

The issue now under consideration in the talks is the difficult and sensitive one of decommissioning illegal arms. It is a complex and emotive subject; however, it has been under detailed discussion since mid-October last year and, in my view, the time has come to bring the issue to a determination and move on. I told the talks on 3 June that we wanted to see the matter resolved to the satisfaction of the participants "within weeks". The British and Irish Governments have, in an effort to facilitate agreement, tabled a joint paper setting out a series of "possible conclusions".

Agreement would enable us to set a firm date for the launch of substantive political negotiations--a date on which the settlement train could definitely leave the station, whether or not Sinn Fein was on board. I shall not now go into the detail of the paper as it remains under consideration in the talks, but I can say that the two Governments' proposals are entirely consistent with Senator Mitchell's report and its "compromise approach" under which

"some decommissioning would take place during the negotiations, rather than before or after".

The two Governments, in the joint paper, commit themselves to working to achieve progress on decommissioning alongside progress in the substantive political negotiations.

Positive movement in the talks towards a political settlement would help us make progress in other highly contentious area, such as the parades. In the run-up to this year's marching season, I have been trying to make progress, talking with representatives of both the marching orders and the residents' associations. I and my officials have been trying to identify areas of common ground and explore the extent to which local accommodation might be reached--the only approach whereby we can ensure that violence will not be part of the scene in the next two weeks.

I cannot say yet whether those efforts will have a successful outcome, and we are continuing this week to try to achieve further progress, but I can assure the House that we shall continue to do all that we can to avoid a repetition of last year's appalling events. However, the task of everyone involved in working for a peaceful resolution of the parades issue would be made significantly easier if it were being discussed in a climate of peace and political stability.

Before inviting hon. Members to support the order, I shall set out briefly some of the ways in which we intend to discharge our responsibilities for Northern Ireland. On public spending, all Government Departments will live within the totals announced for this year and the plans published for 1998-99. That provides an opportunity to conduct a root-and-branch review of public expenditure to ensure that it aligns with the Government's objectives and secures value for money. That comprehensive spending

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review will apply to public expenditure in Northern Ireland. We shall examine all areas of spending to ensure that resources line up with our priorities.

Mr. John D. Taylor (Strangford): When will hon. Members have an opportunity to discuss public expenditure in Northern Ireland?

Marjorie Mowlam: Members of Parliament for Northern Ireland will have an opportunity to discuss that matter in the months ahead, because we have made an effort this year to ensure that negotiations and priority setting are not only questions for Ministers. We shall go out to consultation with all the political parties.

Mr. Taylor: So that I fully understand that reply, does that mean that, as in the case of the Welsh Grand Committee which is meeting today in Wales, the Northern Ireland Grand Committee will have an opportunity to discuss public expenditure? The previous Government never gave us the opportunity to discuss the issue in any proper forum.

Marjorie Mowlam: Let me elaborate on my previous answer and then I shall answer that question directly.

What the approach that we are adopting will achieve is that Members of Parliament for Northern Ireland will be able to have an input, before the decision is taken, in creating the whole picture of how the spending review will take place. That is a useful and valuable input for all Northern Ireland Members.

On the right hon. Gentleman's question relating to the Northern Ireland Grand Committee, as he is well aware, days before Parliament was dissolved for the election, the previous Government introduced several changes to the Northern Ireland Grand Committee. We are still reviewing those changes and I look forward to discussing and reviewing them--not in a negative way, so hon. Members need not panic, but in terms of what they cover. As there were changes to the Scottish and the Welsh Grand Committees, I have been looking at how arrangements differ across the Union. The issue is still on the table and we look forward to discussing it with the Northern Ireland parties in the weeks ahead.

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