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Mr. John Wilkinson (Ruislip-Northwood): Was I alone in detecting a certain bipartisanship across the Front Benches earlier this evening? The Minister for the Armed Forces prided himself on his athleticism and my hon. Friend the Member for Salisbury (Mr. Key) outdid him in gravitas, but they were united on one point--the subject is serious and merits at least 45 minutes. I shall try to be briefer and deal with only three central issues which are vital to the defence of this country.
One theme running through the review's many pages is the paramount importance of our armed forces personnel. As our armed forces get smaller, it is critical that our personnel be better trained. Earlier today, I had the privilege of visiting Royal Air Force Halton, formerly the apprentice training school of the service, which was founded by Lord Trenchard, who was the father of the Royal Air Force 80 years ago. It is now the school for recruit training. I shall quote some of Lord Trenchard's words which I am sure the House will find apposite. He said:
I am sure that sustainability will be the key in future operations. Our armed forces have been drawn down below the minimum safe level, and this is not something of which the Government should be proud. Although I am pleased that the Royal Auxiliary Air Force is to be expanded, I believe that it should comprise more flying personnel. There should be no question of putting at risk stations such as Royal Air Force Northolt in my constituency where 1 Maritime Headquarters Unit is based.
Equipment is also crucial: if our armed forces are small, they must be equipped with the very best. "Smart procurement" is the buzz phrase, but the practice is very different. The danger is that our drive towards European autarchy in defence procurement will lead to a protectionist procurement policy--a sort of fortress Europe. We see this in the agglomeration of European military industrial power, which has occurred to offset the challenge posed by the major American suppliers. Nevertheless, once that agglomeration has taken root, there will be a tendency to feed it--even though the products created may come into service later and may
be more expensive than their American counterparts.We should be eclectic in defence procurement, with industry choosing the best partners for the job.
The late entry into service of the common new generation frigate, the potential problems that German policies have created for the Meteor consortium in respect of the RAF's beyond visual range air-to-air missile, and the hiatus regarding the multi-role armoured vehicle to which I alluded earlier are just three examples of problems experienced by our armed forces. For that reason, I think that the Royal Air Force was correct to choose an existing heavy-lift aircraft--the C17 from the United States--as the right one for the job.
Looking to the future, we must invest much more in research and development. If our armed forces are small, our research programme must ensure that there is no technology gap between ourselves and the major countries with which we might have to engage in combat. The technology gap between Europe and the United States is growing, and the defence review does nothing to offset it.
I shall address just one area: ballistic missile defence. This activity is virtually totally ignored in the strategic defence review, yet missiles could pose the most major threat to our country. Let us suppose that Russia had a rogue regime which was as bankrupt as the current regime. A rogue dictator could say, "Give us your money, or else". The threat comes not only from Russia. Although the Prime Minister visited China and found everything most agreeable, there is a rogue regime in that country. I do not think that the Prime Minister discussed Tibet when he was in Beijing. I do not think that he addressed the offensive military programme that exists in the People's Republic. China is developing ballistic missiles of intercontinental capability, and it tests its nuclear weapons.
The North Koreans test ballistic missiles weapons over Japan. The Chinese conducted missile tests when Taiwan was holding crucial elections. Iran is acquiring missile technology from China and from Russia. Iraq's nuclear and launcher programme is continuing, notwithstanding the efforts of the United Nations. Now that we have backed down in our confrontation with Iraq, Saddam Hussein will be even more confident. The awesome arms race on the subcontinent between India and Pakistan--both of which are clearly nuclear equipped and have nuclear delivery systems--is continuing. Pakistan gets the technology that it needs from China, and India acquires its technology from Russia. It is a most alarming situation.
Although we may not be concerned now, we face the danger of blackmail by proxy. For example, Libya might acquire from Iraq nuclear weapons and ballistic missile systems which could be targeted at our cities. Could we live happily with the prospect? Mr. Rumsfeld, the former United States Defence Secretary, submitted an excellent report to the United States Congress assessing the ballistic missile threat to his country. The report stated clearly that the threat exists not just for the United States, which is a continental power and perhaps further removed than most European countries from the potential launcher nations. The report pointed out that Europe is on the front line of the potential ballistic missile threat.
Mr. Jamie Cann (Ipswich):
As a member of the Defence Committee, I welcome both the review and its findings. I believe that it is incumbent on any incoming Government to review all policy areas and expenditure of moneys for which they are responsible.
Mr. Soames:
Take your hands out of your pockets.
Mr. Cann:
I shall take my hands out of my pockets if the hon. Member for Mid-Sussex (Mr. Soames) wants--or perhaps I shall just put one in. I shall compromise, because that is what the Committee tried to do, in a bipartisan manner, throughout our discussions.
To continue what I was saying, it seems to me that, essentially, the Government got it right in the view that they reached and the way in which they reached that view. As a member of the Committee, I was impressed by the fact that the chief of every service obviously believed that they had been listened to, that their views had been taken into account and that a collegiate decision had been taken at the end of the process. If the hon. Member for Mid-Sussex permits me, I shall put one hand back in my pocket.
I was impressed by the fact that, for the first time since I became involved in national politics--although that was not long ago--a review of defence policy has been conducted whose sole purpose was not to take money from defence. The previous Government brought us "Options for Change", which was about stripping front-line units without reducing their liabilities, and "Front Line First", which stripped money from the support services without reducing the responsibilities that continued to be imposed on them. For the first time, we have a defence review that is actually about defence, not about grabbing money from the defence budget.
It has been suggested from the Opposition Benches that the carriers will not be part and parcel of what is proposed for the future--that the Government will renege on that commitment. [Interruption.] Goodbye, Mr. Soames. [Interruption.] I repeat, it has been put about that the Government might renege on the commitment on the carriers. In Committee, the First Sea Lord and others accepted that the carriers were central to the strategy. It is nonsense to say that those carriers will not be produced, because if they were not to be produced the strategy would be nonsense.
Mr. Keith Simpson (Mid-Norfolk):
Exactly.
"When we originally formed the Air Force in those days we were told--and I want to emphasise this because of its bearing on the future--that we were spending all our money on bricks and mortar, and on ground staff and ground personnel. In fact, some of you . . . will remember that it was called 'the Ground Force' and I believe I was myself once described as 'GOC Ground Force'. That was because we put all the pressure we could on getting a sound foundation for training, in spite of the expense. Has this policy not justified itself? Is it not one of the main reasons why the Luftwaffe has been defeated? The whole work of the Air Force has shown what training is doing. But there is no getting away from the fact that it is expensive. There is nothing to show for it in peacetime, but in war-time there is just this difference to show for it--the difference between defeat and victory."
We are training our armed forces to fight and to win. There should be no diminution in the training budget or the length of training courses. Indeed, the training of our armed forces should intensify as they diminish in size. The reserves should be augmented rather than reduced.
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