Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of witness (Questions 860 - 879)

TUESDAY 3 NOVEMBER 1998

MR TIM SPICER, OBE

Mr Heath

  860.  Your business is providing military services which on occasions includes arms supply. Is it not a wise dictum for anybody in that business to understand the legal requirements before actually supplying arms?
  (Mr Spicer)  As a general principle yes. As I have said before and have said in the past, I was very clear that the sanctions were aimed at the junta, not President Kabbah and therefore I did not feel it necessary to investigate any further, particularly after I had had conversations with government representatives.

  861.  But was it not an extraordinary omission on your part or on the part of your legal advisers not to wish to actually see what British law said on the issue rather than basing it on what is not law, the United Nations Resolution?
  (Mr Spicer)  If you look at some of the track record of pronouncements on this particular problem, the sanctions against Sierra Leone, I believe there are three Foreign Office press releases—I may not be accurate on the number—that state specifically that the sanctions were aimed at the junta. It does not refer to Sierra Leone, it refers specifically to the junta. If you combine that with what I would call the picture being portrayed by government in its overt activities with President Kabbah, inviting him as a special guest to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, making statements that he was the rightful head of state, then I felt that it was clear to me—and you can criticise, with the benefit of hindsight, for not delving further into it—that what we intended, in other words the support of President Kabbah as opposed to the junta, was absolutely right and legal.

Chairman

  862.  Had you seen the Foreign Office press releases?
  (Mr Spicer)  I had seen I believe one of them, but they were around.

  863.  They were around but we are talking about your knowledge, and you say you were basing it on Foreign Office press releases.
  (Mr Spicer)  I think one of them was brought to my attention in my office and I was fully aware of President Kabbah's—

Ms Abbott

  864.  Who brought it to your attention?
  (Mr Spicer)  Somebody in my office. I do not remember who.

Mr Heath

  865.  I am sorry: you wished to say something else? No. What does seem extraordinary to me, and we may have to leave this unresolved, is that you were clearly aware of Government policy, and Government policy was stated on a number of occasions as being in support of the peaceful return of President Kabbah to power in Sierra Leone, and yet the very simple expedient of discovering what the British law said about arms supply to Sierra Leone was something that passed your company by.
  (Mr Spicer)  We have talked about my understanding of the main thrust of British policy, in other words by peaceful means, and I think I have answered that question, but once I was having the sort of conversations I was having with Foreign Office officials, then I think it is reasonable to assume that that policy may have changed or there may have been a sea change because of the circumstances of what was going on in Sierra Leone.

  866.  Your understanding would be that, were there any encouragement, either tacit or overt, to be given from Government sources to you in providing arms and military assistance to Sierra Leone, that would override the provisions of British law as set out in the Order in Council?
  (Mr Spicer)  I can only answer from my own point of view, not as a general answer to that question. As far as I was concerned, what we were doing was not illegal for the reasons I have outlined.

  867.  And there was no doubt in your mind at any stage on that matter?
  (Mr Spicer)  Absolutely not.

  868.  So it would be quite incorrect to suggest that at any time you were advised to prepare what I should term the Matrix Churchill defence of ensuring that the Foreign Office were aware of your intentions so that that could be quoted in your defence were any action ever to be taken?
  (Mr Spicer)  I am sorry; I do not quite understand the question. Could you repeat it again?

  869.  What I was asking you in simple terms was, given that you had no suspicion that what you were doing might be illegal, therefore there was no contention at any time that it was helpful in circumstances in which it were to be investigated by Customs and Excise or any other instrument of Government, that you had established a relationship with Government and that they were aware of your activities?
  (Mr Spicer)  No, there is absolutely no question of that at all. It never occurred to us that we would be investigated by Customs and I think my concern, on the day on which Customs came to our office and to my house as reflected in my telephone call, or my attempted telephone call, first of all to the High Commissioner and subsequently Mr Murray, indicates that it was a complete surprise to us. We were completely open with what we had been doing and the fact that we were being investigated by Customs in my view was extraordinary.

  870.  When you had your meeting with Mr Murray you were quite clear that he understood your intention with regard to the supply of arms and you I think made reference earlier to the fact that you would not have used the term "non-lethal"; is that correct?
  (Mr Spicer)  That is correct.

  871.  Were you surprised at all in that case that his understanding was that the arms that you were proposing to supply were non-lethal, that you had intended to use those in circumstances in which you inevitably would be using them in the face of a highly armed military junta?
  (Mr Spicer)  I think it is inconceivable that anybody could have gone away from that meeting on the 19th thinking anything other than what we were going to do. I say that because I am very clear that we discussed arms, we did not discuss non-lethal weapons and, as you say, it would be ludicrous to suggest that we were going to take on the junta with non-lethal weapons, and there was also discussion about the length, the type of campaign that we were envisaging and the concern that it might produce, with questions in the House.

  872.  That is a very interesting point and one I would like to come on to. You quoted I think to Sir Thomas Legg when you saw him words that you attributed to Mr Murray, which I will quote: one thing that would exercise people's minds in the Foreign Office would be the prospect of a long drawn out, bloody campaign that would prompt organisations such as Amnesty International to ask questions in the House of Commons. You will appreciate that is an entirely damning statement if it can be substantiated. Was it your view that the greatest concern in the Foreign Office was not adherence to either British law as it stood or to the so-called ethical foreign policy, but to the way it would be seen by the outside world and particularly those people who had an interest in human rights matters?
  (Mr Spicer)  I cannot comment for the Foreign Office on what is of concern to the Foreign Office because I do not work for the Foreign Office.

  873.  What is your perception?
  (Mr Spicer)  All I can do is report to you on the facts of what was discussed in that meeting and, as I said to Sir Thomas Legg, it was words to that effect. I would not be specific on each word. It was certainly words to that effect.

  874.  One final area I would like to ask you about is the role of Mr Rupert Bowen. He was attached to your company as a consultant. With what purpose?
  (Mr Spicer)  Mr Bowen has a very considerable knowledge of Sierra Leone. He has lived and worked there for, prior to the coup, two years. He knows a vast number of people at all levels and is particularly well known, and I believe liked, by President Kabbah. It was inconceivable to me not to try and co-opt him for this project and to make him my liaison officer in Conakry with President Kabbah's government.

  875.  He also has a history of involvement with the intelligence services, has he not? Was that part of his value to your organisation?
  (Mr Spicer)  Mr Bowen as you say used to work for one of the intelligence services and of course his experience, in the same way as I would employ somebody with a military background for this particular role, was important to me.

  876.  And were his contacts with the intelligence services used at any time in your actions in Sierra Leone?
  (Mr Spicer)  Mr Bowen as far as I am aware had no contact with any intelligence service. His function was purely to liaise with President Kabbah's government and also on occasion with the High Commissioner and other British officials who were in Conakry, purely as part of this operation.

  877.  So in explicit terms on your understanding Mr Bowen during the period in question had no contacts with any intelligence services?
  (Mr Spicer)  That is correct.

Sir Peter Emery

  878.  Mr Spicer, you made it clear, and I just want to follow some questions from Sir John and Mr Heath, that the agreement that was signed and that you saw Mr Penfold put into his pocket, you had no reason to believe would be restricted to Mr Penfold but would be made available to members of the Foreign Office?
  (Mr Spicer)  It was really for Mr Penfold's information. It is up to Mr Penfold what he chooses to do with that document.

  879.  I do know that, but you made, and the records are in annexe D, something like 18 different contacts or calls with the Foreign Office between the 27 May 1997 and the 15 April 1998. In all of these you were quite willing that any information that you gave should be made available to officials and to Ministers?
  (Mr Spicer)  Yes, I was very happy in those cases for any information to be passed on. What I cannot comment on is what Mr Penfold either did with it or intended to do with it.


 
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