Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of witness (Questions 880 - 899)

TUESDAY 3 NOVEMBER 1998

MR TIM SPICER, OBE

  880.  I asked you that you had no reason not to expect that Mr Penfold would have made that available to officials of the Foreign Office.
  (Mr Spicer)  I would have assumed that as a natural part of his reporting that might be the case.

  881.  Can you categorically say that of the 18 contacts that you had and two meetings there was no suggestion from any of the Foreign Office officials that the action that you were taking would be contrary to the Order in Council?
  (Mr Spicer)  If we can break up that catalogue of contacts, the majority of telephone calls that you were referring to were really to pass on information. We have addressed that subject. This is in the period when the junta were in control in Freetown and President Kabbah was in exile, probably in the period May to December. After that, once President Kabbah had agreed to the action—I am sorry, just to go back to these telephone calls, there was no contemplation of action at any stage although we were clear that we were in contact with President Kabbah with a view to helping him if he required it. After about the 5 December the picture changed and in the meetings and telephone calls that took place after that date it would have been referred to and at no stage was I discouraged from it by anybody.

  882.  Just to make the facts absolutely clear, there were nine telephone calls up to and including the 17 December and I think 12 calls after that date. In those 12 calls, let me put my question again, at no time was it made clear to you that you were acting contrary to the Order in Council?
  (Mr Spicer)  No.

  883.  Would you not have expected, because of the relationship that you had set up with the Foreign Office, because of the way that you had supplied information to the Foreign Office, that if the Foreign Office had considered you were breaking the Order in Council you would have been informed?
  (Mr Spicer)  I believe I should have been and probably would have been.

  884.  And therefore you would have expected to have been if the Foreign Office had thought that you were breaking the Order in Council?
  (Mr Spicer)  Yes.

  885.  May I then ask you what action did you take after the publication on the 18 May: "Sandline had FO warning", absolutely clear and the leading line of the Evening Standard of the 18 May? What did you consider and what action did you take when you saw that paper report?
  (Mr Spicer)  I did not actually see it but I saw lots of others. This is the 18 May this year.

  886.  That is right.
  (Mr Spicer)  And it is after the Customs raid and investigation started and the matter was now in the hands of our lawyers, and I believe that that may refer to comments made by Government officials in relation to what took place between myself and my company and the Foreign Office, and I have already answered the question, that I was never given a red letter warning or a line by line guided tour of the UN Resolution or the Order in Council.

  887.  So whoever supplied the paper with that information was in fact not supplying the paper with the truth?
  (Mr Spicer)  I have not read the article, but from the gist—

  888.  "Sandline had FO warning. Officials read out red letter caution on arms to coup firm's chief".
  (Mr Spicer)  That is inaccurate.

  889.  That is untrue?
  (Mr Spicer)  Totally untrue.

  890.  Can you understand why somebody should be trying to put into the public domain and to the press that sort of report?
  (Mr Spicer)  I would not wish to comment on that. I do not know who did it and all I can say is that the factual reports that I have heard given are at variance with my understanding of the facts.

  891.  Can I then ask you whether, as you said, you should get better information recorded in the future, that whenever you have meetings with any Government officials you take minutes of those meetings and I would suggest that you send copies of those minutes to the officials to have them agreed. Then there can be no doubt because in this instance there appears to be considerable doubt between what officials are saying and what you are saying. Why do you think that is the case?
  (Mr Spicer)  I do not wish to speculate on why it is the case. I am very clear on what my recollection is. I believe that in the discussions that I had with the High Commissioner and the officials what I was doing was right. If they choose to interpret the meetings, the discussions and anything else in a different way, that is a matter you would have to address to them.

  892.  "Recollection" is not the strongest of words. Are you actually saying you are convinced that you never had a warning from Foreign Office officials?
  (Mr Spicer)  I am absolutely convinced of that.

Mr Rowlands

  893.  I do not want to go over the same ground. There are just one or two aspects I would like to pursue. The first one that has not properly been raised is your letter to President Kabbah on the 4 December. This was the time you presumably put to President Kabbah the possibility of offering military support and some financial arrangements to enforce that. Is that right?
  (Mr Spicer)  No, we had discussions before. We had initially made contact with him very early on after the coup and said, "We are here, we are ready to help you if you want us to." Nothing really transpired till I believe some time in August or September, I cannot be precise about the time, when he asked me to do a recap of military options that I had in fact already done through his ministers. I tried to fax them to him but unfortunately his fax was not working so I had to read the gist of it to him over the telephone. Again nothing really came of that but the letter in early December was a natural continuation of that process and the plan, or the concept, was largely unchanged. It was just refined as the situation changed.

  894.  And the letter clearly could not be interpreted any other way other than suggesting military support including arms etc would be given to President Kabbah to restore him?
  (Mr Spicer)  That is right.

  895.  That letter then is clear on that point?
  (Mr Spicer)  Yes.

  896.  You have indicated that in fact that letter was seen by Mr Penfold. Why do you believe that?
  (Mr Spicer)  I do not know for a fact that it was seen by Mr Penfold but I believe that to be the case.

  897.  Why did you present it as evidence if you did not know it? Why do you say you understood it to be the case?
  (Mr Spicer)  Because I think that it is referred to in the Legg Report, but I also believe at the meeting we had on the 23rd it was referred to. I am pretty clear that Mr Penfold mentioned to me that he had seen it, and it would not surprise me at all—this is opinion, speculation—that President Kabbah showed that sort of letter to somebody who had become very supportive and helpful.

  898.  Anybody reading that letter could not be in any way in any doubt that the whole burden of the discussions you were having with President Kabbah was for some form of military support including arms and so on to restore his regime?
  (Mr Spicer)  Yes.

  899.  At this meeting of 23 December, one of the key parts of the Legg Report and where there is a conflict of evidence between yourself and Mr Penfold, you say you handed Mr Penfold the actual contract or the paper that was available at that moment in time and he took it away. Mr Penfold says otherwise. There was a third party, Mr Buckingham, at that meeting.
  (Mr Spicer)  Yes.


 
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