Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 1520 - 1539)

TUESDAY 10 NOVEMBER 1998

MS ANN GRANT and MR CRAIG MURRAY

  1520.  Then why did you warn him so strongly that he must not do so?
  (Mr Murray)  I did not. He asked me what the legal position was with regard to a third party sending arms to Sierra Leone. I explained that for a third party to do that would be illegal in terms of international law and Tim Andrews read out the relevant part of the Security Council Resolution and I explained it. He then asked about himself supplying night vision equipment and I warned him he could not do it and I warned him strongly it was because it would be illegal. Plainly, if someone asks me whether they can do something and it is illegal, I have an absolute duty to warn them strongly and I do not quite see the problem with that.

  1521.  What you are saying, therefore, is that Mr Spicer did not reveal to you on that date that the contract existed. How is it, therefore, that Mr Penfold had a copy of that contract and that had not reached you?
  (Mr Murray)  You may recall that Mr Penfold denied that he had been given a copy of the contract by Mr Spicer at the meeting on 23 December. No, no copy of the contract and no news of the existence of the contract had reached me by 19 January.

  1522.  So you felt that the allegations that had been made way back in August were just spurious?
  (Mr Murray)  I had not personally seen those allegations. The first I saw of them was when I saw a letter from Lord Avebury which arrived on 5 February addressed to Ann Grant. Ann was currently out of the country so it came to me. I did not regard the allegation as spurious. It seemed to me that Lord Avebury's letter contained very very useful and pertinent information about a company on whom I had formed deep suspicions. I therefore immediately instructed that the information be passed on to the relevant criminal authorities.

  1523.  But Mr Penfold says, in reply to Mr Rowlands in evidence, page 23, it is the first reply, "I told the officials exactly what I heard from President Kabbah, that President Kabbah was contemplating signing an agreement with a firm called Blackstone which in return for mining concessions was making available 10 million dollars to a company called Sandline." All the evidence we have received is suggesting that any contract of 10 million dollars must have been covering arms; it was not just going to be for tinned beans.
  (Mr Murray)  There are two points in answer to that question. The first is that the officials concerned, Tim Andrews and Lynda St Cooke, are both quite firm that nothing was told to them on 23 December of a contract between Kabbah and Sandline.

  1524.  So Mr Penfold is not telling the truth here, is he?
  (Mr Murray)  He appears not to have a memory which conforms with the memory of the two officials here.

  1525.  Are you saying Mr Penfold is not telling the truth?
  (Mr Murray)  I am saying that the two officials he claims to have told have no recollection of him telling them that. As to whether or not the contract of $10 million necessarily involves arms, I would say no, it does not necessarily do that at all. I would refer you to the situation with ECOMOG in Liberia. The ECOMOG force in Liberia is in fact the same ECOMOG force as in Sierra Leone, the two neighbouring countries and this force has shifted across the border. The ECOMOG force in Liberia received very substantial support from an American firm called Pacific & Atlantic Engineers who looked after its logistic support, and an element of training. It basically provided all the logistics to enable that force to function but specifically never supplied arms. That operation in support of ECOMOG in Liberia was funded by a number of other governments, including the US Government, the German and Dutch Governments, and these governments were very, very careful to make sure that the logistic support and training exercises did not include arms supplies, and that contract had a value which I recall as being about $26 million a year, so you cannot affirm from the size of the contract that it necessarily includes arms, and the concept of a logistic support and training operation which did not include arms was one which was very familiar in the region. I must say that the other thing is that the one thing which was not needed and the last thing that the region needs is more arms. The region is awash in arms. I have never seen any reports that the Kamajors for whom these arms were intended lacked arms. The prospect of a contract for training them and providing support in transport and logistics which did not include arms was not actually nonsensical at all; it was perfectly possible to have a $10 million contract of that nature.

  1526.  With the meeting on the 3rd December where it was made clear that arms were being supplied to the Kamajors and with the meetings in the rest of December, with what Mr Penfold knew, with the background of what had been told as early as August, I would say to you do you not think that the two adjournment debates not in any way highlighting the possibility of these matters was misleading the House?
  (Ms Grant)  I assume you are talking about the debates on the 10th and 12th March.

  1527.  That is right.
  (Ms Grant)  The first debate in the House of Lords was on the question of what had we done, what had HMG done to help restore democracy in Sierra Leone and it was not about Sandline, although Sandline was referred to and covered in the briefing, as I have already admitted, in an inadequate way, it was produced in a rush, it did not have the prominence certainly that I wish it had in hindsight now or that perhaps it should have had at the time. I think the only thing perhaps to help explain my thinking and the thinking of the other official who prepared the briefing was that on the 5th February ECOMOG had moved or begun to move in support of President Kabbah and on the 10th March, the same day as the debate, the same day as we prepared the briefing, President Kabbah went into Freetown. We were enormously bucked by the fact that the policy we had worked for for so long had actually, or that the aim that we had worked for for so long had succeeded and we were very concerned in the context of that debate to explain what had happened and what good news it was that an elected government had been restored. That was the focus of my effort. The policy dilemma I had and the difficulties we had in getting the right kind of tone in the briefing for the House did not focus on Sandline at all; it focused on the fact that the Nigerians, who had succeeded in implementing the policy we wanted, had acted without any legal cover and that was very much the burden and the focus of the work we did before the debate. We did refer to Sandline, but by that time, to be honest, it was not an issue of any operational importance.

  1528.  But, Ms Grant, the Avebury letter is making specific allegations. You had no knowledge exactly what Avebury might or might not say in that debate and there is, therefore, every likelihood in restoring democracy that he would have referred to aspects that are in the Toronto Globe and Mail and before that date the Foreign Office had referred, for a breach of the Order in Council, Sandline to the Restrictive Enforcement Unit.
  (Ms Grant)  Indeed.

  1529.  That was not told to Ministers.
  (Ms Grant)  No, we had referred allegations, as Mr Murray said and as you have just said, immediately to Customs & Excise. They were at that stage allegations. As soon as an investigation was launched, we did inform Ministers, and I have already—

  1530.  What date was that?
  (Ms Grant)  That was on the 30th March.

  1531.  Not until then?
  (Ms Grant)  No, not until then.

  1532.  I would find it very strange as a Minister if I knew that this was going on, of which there had only been three other allegations of this in the last 18 months, according to the replies that I had from the Foreign Office, that that was not important enough in this new foreign policy that the Foreign Secretary was holding for this to be referred to him.
  (Ms Grant)  It certainly was not that we did not think the allegations were important; we thought they were so important that we referred them immediately to Customs & Excise. I have already said that with hindsight I might have told Ministers earlier about the reference of an allegation and not the launching of an investigation, although those are quite important distinctions to me. I would only know that, as the Foreign Secretary said in his own evidence to the Committee, there had been two previous references of possible breaches of sanctions to Customs & Excise I think on Iraq and on Libya and on neither occasion were they drawn to the attention of Ministers. I think that was wrong and I think the procedures which have now been put into place will make sure that does not happen again. They ought automatically to be referred to Ministers however likely or unlikely they are to lead to an investigation.

  1533.  Is it not important enough that the House is not misled, as I think it might well be claimed, and certainly in Mr Lloyd's reply to the adjournment debate that no indication was given of actually what had been going on?
  (Ms Grant)  We were not ourselves fully aware of what had been going on. What we had done was refer what evidence we had and the allegations we had to the authorities with the competence to find out what had happened.

  1534.  But the military intelligence reports which you received made it absolutely clear that there was a matter of arms and armaments going to Sierra Leone.
  (Ms Grant)  But who was responsible and who were involved we were in no position to determine. We had sent the evidence to Customs & Excise for them to do that and they launched an investigation on the 30th March.

  1535.  What I am saying to you is that you did not allow Ministers to actually inform the House of these things when these matters were before adjournment debates is a great worry to me because we rely on Ministers' statements and I see that you have admitted that this is perhaps an error, but I hope you will realise how great an error because the House must rely that it is getting all the facts and that did not really appear to be the case, did it?
  (Ms Grant)  I was concerned to get the facts and it was in my concern to establish the facts perhaps that I held on to the bits of information that I had from Ministers for a bit too long and I have admitted that.

Dr Godman

  1536.  May I say to you, Ms Grant, that I hope these new procedures will involve giving guidance to officials in their dealings with mercenaries, but turning to Mr Murray, my concern in this investigation into what appears to be a bureaucratic shambles is the dealings of officials of a department of state with mercenaries. Is it the case that your meeting with Mr or Colonel Spicer was the very first time you had met and dealt with a mercenary?
  (Mr Murray)  Yes, it was.

  1537.  Despite the fact that in your memorandum you say that you were working for some eight months on this arms trafficking project?
  (Mr Murray)  Yes, that did not involve meeting any mercenaries.

  1538.  I know Eric Illsley has been over this ground, but I would like to come back to a couple of answers you gave to him. You admitted, I think in a very honest way, that you had in fact been set up by Sandline. I think that was the term you used, that you were set up.
  (Mr Murray)  That is my belief.

  1539.  It will be in the minutes, and incidentally I hope your health is much better. You also said that Mr or Colonel Spicer, and I think we will call him "Mr Spicer", shall we, was shifty. In your memorandum, you said, and this is paragraph 4, that he was extremely evasive and appeared uncomfortable in relation to the ownership of Sandline and who was involved in that, what he calls I think, "private military company", and what I call a group of mercenaries. The plain contradiction here is that in paragraph 35 of his statement, SL34, he states bluntly, "We discussed exporting night vision equipment from the UK. Mr Murray said that if I could order the equipment from a mining company, I could use it for whatever purpose I liked as long as the equipment eventually ended up with a mining company". Now, as you know, I questioned Mr Spicer on this. I asked him if he thought he was being given something of a nod and a wink here, that he was being advised that there was a way round the regulations. However, in your memorandum, you state equally bluntly, "Spicer then said that Sandline themselves might wish to bring into Sierra Leone night vision equipment that was employed both in mining and helicopters (sic). How could such dual-use equipment be exported to Sierra Leone? I said it couldn't". Now, you have also said that Mr Spicer has not been telling the truth. We, in the west of Scotland, might call him a bit of a chancer, but what you are suggesting here is that he is a liar.
  (Mr Murray)  I do not want to get into—


 
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