Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Second Report


THE SCOPE OF THE REVIEW

Introduction

  11. As we record in paragraph 1, the Review addresses generic issues relevant to all Dependent Territories and specific issues relating to individual Dependent Territories. Thus, in principle, all Dependent Territories fall within the scope of the Review. Mr Westmacott[14] commented that the Foreign Secretary was looking at "custom-built" solutions for each territory.[15] However, there are a number of qualifications to the scope of the Review, with the result that its practical focus appears to be the Caribbean Dependent Territories.[16]

  12. In its initial memorandum to us, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office commented that:[17]

    "The review will cover policy towards all the remaining territories, although the Foreign Secretary recognises that particular circumstances apply in the cases of Gibraltar and the Falkland Islands. Policy towards these two territories will therefore continue to be handled separately."

Likewise, the Review appears to be of limited relevance to the uninhabited Dependent Territories: Baroness Symons confirmed that the main thrust of the Review was directed at the permanently inhabited Dependent Territories.[18] Mr Westmacott told us:[19]

        "If there are particular circumstances or conditions relating to Diego Garcia or uninhabited territories like South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands or the British Antarctic Territory and matters need to be changed, clearly that can be looked at in the context of the review."

    but added:

        "I think I am right in saying that there are no major issues which have arisen thus far in the context of either the British Antarctic Territory or Diego Garcia within the review."[20]

  13. There are special issues which relate to the Falkland Islands and Gibraltar and many of the areas of the Review are not relevant to territories without an indigenous resident population. We nonetheless expect to see the conclusions of the Review applied across the board where this would be appropriate. We also recognise that particular circumstances of Gibraltar and the Falkland Islands need to be addressed irrespective of this Review. We intend to take further evidence on Gibraltar in due course.

  14. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office has sought the views of both the Governors and, through the Governors, the local elected politicians in the Dependent Territories on the issues covered by the Review.[21] We have also sought views direct from elected representatives in Dependent Territories and we are glad that many of them responded to this invitation.[22] A number of issues were raised ranging from major issues, such as citizenship, constitutional status and nomenclature to specific local issues such as those drawn to our attention by the Pitcairn Islanders, who also expressed a wish to see representatives from the United Kingdom visit the island. Inevitably, the various Dependent Territories have placed emphasis on different aspects of their relationship with the United Kingdom. These reflect particular local circumstances. Difficulties in considering the issues raised by the Review are highlighted in the case of Montserrat.[23]

  15. Baroness Symons identified[24] three main areas covered by the Review, on which there had been specific consultation with the Dependent Territories. These are:

      -  citizenship and rights of abode;

      -  nomenclature;

      -  the constitutional relationship with individual Dependent Territories.

We also propose to deal, amongst others, with three substantial issues that have emerged:


Access to the United Kingdom

Introduction

  16. The Government is considering the question of citizenship in relation to the Dependent Territories.[25] The total number of inhabitants in the Dependent Territories is now about 186,000,[26] of whom the Foreign and Commonwealth Office estimates about 112,000 hold British Dependent Territories citizenship. Indeed, the Dependent Territories Association noted by way of example that only about 19,000 of the Cayman Islands' resident population of 33,600 is Caymanian.[27]

  17. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office has told us[28] that there is "great interest in full UK citizenship in those territories which do not have it, or where it is not at present an option, but only on the basis of non-reciprocity." The Dependent Territories Association considers that the general award of full British citizenship would be "popular".[29] However, not all Dependent Territories are seeking this concession; the British Virgin Islands and the Cayman Islands,[30] for instance, specifically do not do so.

Citizenship and rights of abode

  18. Citizens of the Dependent Territories have, since the coming into force of the British Nationality Act 1981, had the status of British Dependent Territories Citizens, which carries no right of entry to or abode in the United Kingdom. Visas are not required for visits to the United Kingdom of up to six months, but are required for longer visits, whether for work or study. British citizenship, on the other hand, would confer a right of abode in the United Kingdom and rights in the European Union consequent upon that status.


  19. The arguments in favour of British citizenship advanced to us to date appear to turn less on questions of principle than on the removal of practical difficulties presently encountered. These include:

        - student tuition fees, which are currently charged at the "overseas student" rate;[31]

        - the necessity of obtaining leave to enter the United Kingdom at ports of entry, which involves queuing with all other non-United Kingdom and non-European Union citizens;[32]

        - the visa-free access arrangements between the United Kingdom and third parties, which do not necessarily apply to British Dependent Territories citizens;[33]

        - the fact that British Dependent Territories citizens do not have the right to work in the United Kingdom, in order, for example, to gain work experience after a period of study.

  20. Indeed, even some of those who advocate the granting of British citizenship have made clear that they expected the inherent right of abode in the United Kingdom to be little exercised. Mrs Hopkins, the St Helena Government Representative in London, told us:[34]

    "From St Helena's point of view I doubt very much whether very many Saints would want to come to take up permanent residence in the United Kingdom. We regard St Helena as home and the young people of the island have made it quite clear that they wish to see the island develop rather than coming to England to develop their skills here. They would like access, they would like the ability to move freely."

The Leader of the Opposition in the Turks and Caicos Islands commented "Few TCI citizens will avail themselves of the opportunity to take up residence in Britain as a result of....citizenship."[35]

  21. Baroness Symons told us that the granting of British citizenship to citizens of the Dependent Territories would need to be considered interdepartmentally.[36] We consider that this matter raises a number of important questions, which include:

    - whether it would be right, in principle, to consider citizenship for British Dependent Territory citizens so soon after the return of Hong Kong to China, the then Government having declined to extend British citizenship to virtually all the Hong Kong citizens who held BTDC status;

    - whether citizenship should be granted across the board, or considered on a territory-by-territory basis;

    - whether there should be reciprocity;

    - whether the granting of United Kingdom citizenship or right of abode, particularly to citizens of the more isolated or economically depressed Dependent Territories, would lead to a risk of depopulation and in particular the loss of younger, more highly skilled and economically active members of the population, creating a downward spiral of economic decline.

  22. On the question of principle, Baroness Symons considered that the citizenship issue was still sensitive because of Hong Kong, despite the handover.[37] Fiona Mactaggart MP considered that Hong Kong was in a separate position, as the vast majority of its citizens had always been considered by the authorities in Beijing to be Chinese citizens.[38] Lord Waddington considered that it would have been impracticable to grant free entry into the United Kingdom to 3.5 million citizens of Hong Kong when the government of the latter was about to cease to be a British responsibility, but did not see this as an impediment to doing "what is right and what we clearly can as a matter of practicality do to ease the lot of the comparatively few people living in territories for which we do have a responsibility."[39]

  23. As to whether the question of British citizenship should be addressed across the board or on a territory-by-territory basis, Baroness Symons was reluctant to be drawn. She stated that this was a matter for the Secretary of State to consider in the context of the Review.[40] She recognised that there would be resentment if different territories were treated differently.[41]

  24. Most of the Dependent Territories supporting the idea of British citizenship for their citizens were opposed to reciprocity, arguing that the fragility of their societies would make it difficult to absorb substantial numbers of incomers. As the Legislative Councillors of the Falkland Islands put it, "There would be little point....for the right to citizenship being traded for the loss of identity."[42] Lord Waddington pointed out that reciprocity had never been an element in relations between the United Kingdom and Bermuda.[43] Baroness Symons was of the view that reciprocity needed to be considered in the wider context.[44]

  25. Baroness Symons agreed that questions of depopulation would need to be considered,[45] but was not of the opinion that the grant of citizenship would result in a huge outflow from the Dependent Territories to the United Kingdom.[46] She conceded that "I believe that the pressures in some islands will be quite strong where there are great economic difficulties", but made clear that this would not be a factor in deciding whether a particular Dependent Territory gained the right to citizenship.[47] Fiona Mactaggart MP[48] and others[49] maintained that those in the better-off Dependent Territories (such as Bermuda and the Cayman Islands, which between them account for some 100,000 of the 160,000 inhabitants of the Dependent Territories) were much less likely to want to uproot themselves. Mr Russell, of the Dependent Territories' Association, commented "We are not going to get a flood of people from dependencies if they are granted British citizenship."[50]

  26. However, we note the concerns which have been expressed about the lack of opportunities for young people in some Dependent Territories[51] and the consequent risk of damage to the social fabric should significant emigration on economic grounds occur. The strengthening of local economies - in the less prosperous Dependent Territories at least - may be relevant to consideration of the question of citizenship.

  27. The extension of British citizenship to all citizens of Dependent Territories would undoubtedly raise very substantial questions, and we do not propose to make recommendations at this interim stage. We understand the Review is to address the issues involved, and we shall look carefully at its conclusions on these matters.

Practical alternatives

  28. As we note in paragraph 19 above, it is practical benefits which would accrue from British citizenship, rather than the question of principle, which appear to lie behind pressure for it to be granted. We believe that many of these practical problems can be addressed independently of the question of citizenship, and indeed believe that they should be.

  29. One question which appears to cause considerable resentment is the treatment at United Kingdom points of entry (principally airports). Lord Waddington, a former Governor of Bermuda, commented that the vast majority of white Bermudians of Anglo-Saxon descent have British citizenship but the vast majority of black Bermudians do not.[52] He added:

    ".... At Gatwick the whites go through the British and EU Channel. The black Bermudians, even Premiers and Cabinet Ministers, are lumped in with the foreigners and queue to obtain leave to enter. It is scarcely surprising that this causes immense resentment and black Bermudians simply cannot understand why as a matter of common courtesy those for whom Britain has a responsibility [belonging as they do in a British Dependent Territory] are not treated as favourably as foreigners for whom Britain has no responsibility."

Baroness Symons accepted that apparently discriminatory treatment of Dependent Territories citizens "gives rise to understandable feelings of resentment".[53] She considered that these could be addressed without granting full citizenship and that the Review would address such points.[54]

  30. It is clear that many Dependent Territories would welcome greater opportunities for education and training in the United Kingdom, and greater opportunities to gain work experience. In this context, we were pleased to note the Government's recent increase in the number of work permits to be made available to residents of St Helena and Tristan da Cunha.[55] This, as Baroness Symons made clear, "in no way undercuts the position about citizenship as part of this review".[56] Lord Waddington and others,[57] for example, drew attention to the problems caused in Bermuda by the inability of Bermudians - particularly black Bermudians - to get work experience in a wider environment.

  31. Several Dependent Territories mentioned difficulties occasioned by the need to obtain visas to visit other Member States of the European Union.[58] We recommend that this issue, together with the question of the visa regime for Dependent Territory citizens visiting the United Kingdom, be included in the Government's Review.

  32. We welcome the undertaking given by Baroness Symons that the Review will address practical difficulties relating to access to the United Kingdom.[59] We urge the Government also to address the other difficulties which we have highlighted, particularly in relation to education and training and opportunities to gain work experience. These matters are vital to the continuing economic health of some Dependent Territories, for which the United Kingdom has an ongoing responsibility.


14  Director, Americas, Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Back

15  Q171. Back

16  Q173. Back

17  Ev. p. 26. See also Q169-171, 173 and 175. Back

18  Q172-173. See also Q179. Back

19  Q173-174. Back

20  See also Q107, 178 and Appendix 18, p. 80. Back

21  Q106, 120-123 and Ev. p.27. Back

22  Appendix 4, p. 50 (Bermuda Government), Appendix 5, p. 51 (Bermuda Progressive Labour Party), Appendix 6, p. 56 (Pitcairn Island), Appendix 7, p. 56 (British Virgin Islands Government), Appendix 8, p. 59 (Gibraltar Government), Appendix 9, p. 60 (Gibraltar Progressive Labour Party), Appendix 10, p. 65 (Leader of the Opposition, Turks and Caicos Islands), Appendix 11, p. 68 (Cayman Islands Government), Appendix 12, p. 69 (Falkland Islands Legislative Councillors) and Appendix 14, p. 73 (Chief Minister, Montserrat). St Helena representatives also gave oral evidence - see Ev. pp. 17-21, Q65-104 and Appendix 2, p. 44. Back

23  See also paragraphs 51 and 60. The International Development Committee reported on Montserrat in November 1997 in its First Report of Session 1997-98 (HC 267). Back

24  Q106. Back

25  See Q162. Back

26  Ev. p. 40. Back

27  Ev. p. 9. Back

28  Ev. p. 27. Back

29  Ev. p.9. See also Appendix 1, p. 44 and Appendix 13, p. 72. Back

30  Appendix 7, p. 57 and Appendix 11, p. 68. Back

31  See, for example, Q76-77, Appendix 4, p. 50, Appendix 7, p. 58. Back

32  See, for example, Appendix 3, p. 49, and Appendix 11, p. 68. Back

33  See, for example, Appendix 4, p. 50, Appendix 5, p. 53, Appendix 7, p. 58 and Appendix 11, p. 68. Back

34  Q60. See also Q66. Back

35  Appendix 10, p. 65. Back

36  Q156. Back

37  Q160-161, 163. Back

38  Appendix 13, p. 72. Back

39  Appendix 3, p. 49. Back

40  Q156. The House was, however, informed in December 1997 that the Government was considering "sympathetically" the question of British citizenship for Saint Helenians. See HC Deb, 10 December 1997, Vol. 302, Col. 999. Back

41  Q164. Back

42  Appendix 12, p. 69. Back

43  Appendix 3, p. 49. Back

44  Q146. Back

45  Q144. Back

46  Q141-142, 155. Back

47  Q141, 155. Back

48  Appendix 13, p. 72. Back

49  Q23. See also Q62. Back

50  Q59. Back

51  Q67. See also Appendix 6, p. 56. Back

52  Appendix 3, p. 49. Back

53  Q165. Back

54  Q166-168. Back

55  On 4 December 1997 the Goverment announced special arrangements establishing an annual quota for 30 St Helenians and 5 Tristan da Cunhans to seek employment in the United Kingdom. Back

56  Q140. Back

57  Appendix 3, p. 49 and Appendix 5, p. 53. Back

58  See, for example, Ev. p. 9, Appendix 4, p. 50, Appendix 5, p. 53, Appendix 7, p. 58 and Appendix 11, p. 68. Citizens of European Union countries enjoy visa-free entry to all Dependencies (Ev. p. 9). Back

59  Q165-168. Back


 
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