Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of witnesess (Questions 380 - 399)

TUESDAY 23 JUNE 1998

SIR JOHN KERR, KCMG, MR ROB YOUNG, CMG, MR FRANCIS RICHARDS, CMG, CVO, MR MICHAEL ARTHUR, CMG and MR ROLAND SMITH, CMG

  380.  Could I just go on to something slightly different arising from other questions. Sir John, you have been very frank and I think you have got the mood of the Committee as well. The Committee are with you and are concerned about the question of our stretched representation around the world and the very powerful point you make about some of these places lacking critical mass with all the consequences that flow from that. You presumably have put this to Ministers. What do they say in response?
  (Sir John Kerr)  Foreign Office Ministers on the whole put it to me. It is a point that strikes them very strongly. It struck me very strongly, Mr Mackinlay, when I went to China en route from Washington to becoming Permanent Secretary. I knew about our post in Beijing of course, and I think our post in Beijing is, of all Western Posts, the best equipped sinologically. It has a wonderful corps of Mandarin speakers who really do have a close watch on what is going on in China. It is a smaller Post than that of the French and the Germans and the Americans, but it is a very effective Post. I went to look at Shanghai, and I went to look at Guangzhow, which I did not know. Down there, where Shanghai is perhaps where the Chinese economic miracle has been happening and will I am sure go on happening, we have a post of six people, which I do not think really has a critical mass yet. The French and Germans have 15 and 16 people. When you get down to Guangzhow it is still smaller. I am sure it is right that we should be there. The development of China is going to be very exciting. I think Zhu Rongji's visit here showed that he really does believe in privatisation. I think that what he wants to do to the Chinese economy provides tremendous opportunities for British business, British financial expertise. I think that in Beijing we are very well equipped to give a political briefing to a company, but I think we are not yet ideally equipped in Shanghai or Guangzhow to help that company establish a presence on the ground. Ministers would agree with what I have said and Ministers would hope that the Treasury, whom we neither fear nor loathe, would agree with us.

  381.  I am sure. You gave some comparative figures to replies, which I thought were both interesting and helpful. Are we comparing like with like because, for instance, would the numbers of the Germans and the French in the delegations you have referred to include what were basically trained people who in our situation would be Department trained, or, if we were to look at those from the best you know, would we find a disparity there as well? Is the total presence, whether it is foreign ministry or trade ministry, substantially greater?
  (Sir John Kerr)  It is total presence in all three cases. In our case I am scoring our DTI people. We do have people seconded from the DTI in the FCO, just as we have Diplomatic Service people seconded in the DTI.

  382.  But you are comparing like with like, are you?
  (Sir John Kerr)  Yes, I am.

  383.  With regard to locally engaged staff, you have said what a very important contribution they make and are good value for money. Can I put it to you that there are one or two places where the degree of Britishness—and I do not mean this in any jingoistic sense—is beginning to be diluted; in other words there is a limit to the proportion of locally engaged staff which is healthy both in terms of profile and, I would have thought, in terms of longevity of service, continuity, communications, and, if I use the word "intelligence" I do not mean deep intelligence but that kind of thing which is the food and drink of the Foreign Office, is there not a danger in some cases of the proportions just becoming disproportionate?
  (Sir John Kerr)  Yes, there is that risk, I quite agree, and I think we run that risk in a number of these small posts. We have over a hundred posts where we have four or fewer UK based staff. There is no general rule. Post by post you have to assess what is an acceptable proportion. In my Seattle example you have an extremely efficient post because the young Americans who work for us there are very good. They are all on contract terms. They are all rising stars who will pursue their own careers. They are extremely good, and there is no problem about speaking the language. If you go into another post—I will not name one—I can imagine a lot of posts where the management of locally engaged staff is a really very important task which requires quite a considerable supervisory element of UK based staff. For a number of reasons that could be the case. It is very important if they are doing business at your front desk in another language to know what it is they are doing. They are answering your telephones. If they are the public face of the United Kingdom in a particular country then you need to manage them very well. I think we are getting better at managing our locally engaged staff. I think we are integrating them better, we are planning their careers better, their progression from one job to another. But I do think that you are right: there are places where we have reached the limit or perhaps are slightly beyond the limit of what makes sense in localisation.

  384.  Compared with the French and the Germans, the French have their French community and the tradition, particularly in Africa and many other parts of the globe, as we do with our former Empire and our Commonwealth commitments, but there is an even starker contrast: the Germans simply do not have that historic role/relationship/commitment to the extent that ex-pats do. If we were to line up what you have described to us as our representation around the world with the Germans, there is an enormous disparity, is there not?
  (Sir John Kerr)  I entirely agree.

Mr Godman

  385.  Sir John, I have a brief question prompted by your earlier comments on the emphasis on human rights and conflict avoidance, and also your references to Washington. How far does the parlous financial condition of the United Nations impinge upon your Department's budget? May I say to you that I believe that that organisation is suffering deeply in terms of its human rights peacekeeping operations largely because of the stupid obduracy of Congressmen and Congresswomen on Capitol Hill to sanctioning payments of dues. Does that state of the purse impinge on your Department?
  (Sir John Kerr)  Yes, it does. It impinges on us in two ways, both very direct. First, you are quite right, Mr Godman, to point out that this is not an Administration policy.

  386.  I did say "Congressmen and Congresswomen".
  (Sir John Kerr)  Exactly. It is Congress that has turned down the Administration several times on the Administration's attempts to start the process of paying off the 1.1 billion dollars which the United States is in arrears, owes, to the United Nations. That is 270 million to the regular budget of the United Nations and 870 million to peacekeeping, plus an additional 254 million owing to specialised agencies. This is an extraordinary fact, that the United States, famous for its generosity down the years, is 1.1 billion dollars in arrears to the United Nations and another quarter of a billion to specialised agencies. It is not Administration policy. It is, as you say, Congressional obduracy. It impinges on us very directly because how the UN makes ends meet is by borrowing from the peacekeeping budget in order to fill the holes in the regular budget. Borrowing from the peacekeeping budget means you do not pay back people who have been carrying out peacekeeping operations for you. They are entitled to be paid by the United Nations for what they have done and they are not paid. In our case that means that we are owed on the peacekeeping account by the United Nations £65 million as of now. I am not saying the United States is the only debtor. The debts owing to the United Nations are 1.7 billion.

  387.  What was that figure?
  (Sir John Kerr)  Sixty five million pounds—dollars; I beg your pardon—is owed to the United Kingdom from the United Nations for peacekeeping operations.

  388.  A substantial sum of money.
  (Sir John Kerr)  Exactly. It will be paid but we are in arrears. It will be paid somewhere down the line.

  389.  Who will pay? Who will sanction the payments if the Americans are dodging the column?
  (Sir John Kerr)  It gets further and further into arrears. These $65 million are payments that will have fallen due last year and the year before. It will be paid but there will be more debts that will have accumulated for more things we have done as a peacekeeping force for the United Nations, and we will have to sit and wait to be paid for that. It is, I think, a completely unacceptable situation that this should have arisen. It is not the United Nations' fault. The United Nations is struggling to make ends meet by borrowing off the peacekeeping budget to keep the regular budget going. We are not the only ones who suffer. One of the saddest features of this is that a whole lot of the world's poorest countries who do peacekeeping work for the United Nations are, as a result of the US position, not being paid for what they have done, countries like Bangladesh.

Mr Illsley

  390.  Do you have any comparative figures for other countries in relation to the debts they are owed by the UN?
  (Sir John Kerr)  I do not have them in my head, I am afraid.

Chairman:  Can you provide those for the Committee?

Mr Illsley:  Is it $65 million and rising?

Mr Godman

  391.  I have obviously prompted something.
  (Sir John Kerr)  I think in logic it must be rising because the US arrears to the United Nations are rising. I am not sure, Mr Illsley, but I suspect it is rising.

Mr Illsley

  392.  What was it last year?
  (Sir John Kerr)  We can find out.

Chairman

  393.  You can provide the material asked for by Mr Illsley?
  (Sir John Kerr)  Of course.

Mr Godman

  394.  Thank you, Chairman, for your courtesy. I hope this problem of the failure of the United States and a handful of other nations to pay—let me put it another way: to honour—their obligations to this international organisation does not expose in any way to danger officials of yours and our soldiers who do such a fine job, a remarkably fine job, in peacekeeping activities. Can you give me that assurance?
  (Sir John Kerr)  Yes, I can give you that assurance. The only roundabout way by which it might, Mr Godman, would be if the difficulties about being paid, the payment delays, were to lead other countries to be deterred from taking on peacekeeping tasks for the United Nations that we were not deterred from taking on, and therefore we were exposed to particular dangers. This has no direct effect on risk because the troops that we supply to the United Nations serve under conditions that we determine and they are not exposed to any greater risk because somebody else is slow in paying bills.

  395.  When I was in Washington recently I met a number of Congressmen and Congresswomen and I told them that their conduct was disgraceful in what they were doing in holding up this policy, linking it to abortion legislation I think. What is your Embassy doing, what are Ministers doing, to persuade President Clinton and his officials to help this legislation through Congress? If nothing is done matters are going to worsen.
  (Sir John Kerr)  When Robin Cook paid his first visit to America as Foreign Secretary, amongst others he called on Jesse Helms, the Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, to raise precisely this issue and did so in a discussion which was almost an argument. The Embassy is extremely active, but of course our efforts on the whole are not just with the Administration because they are on our side. I talked about this with every member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and with most of the key members of the House. You have to remember that both in the House of Representatives and in the Senate the Administration, the Democratic Party, do not have a majority. I would go further. I would say that we are not seeing just a temporary phenomenon, because the people who are being elected to the House of Representatives and the Senate of the United States are in my view fairly representative of United States opinion. There is across the United States a turning-away from the outside world. I think that Mrs Albright as Secretary of State has made very serious efforts to counteract this. She makes more speeches in America than out of America. She travels more in America than out of America. I think she sees her function as trying to remind America that although the Cold War is over that does not mean that America should withdraw into itself. There still is an American role in the world which requires for example increasing the resources of the international financial institutions, another problem blocked on the Hill, paying the United States debt to the United Nations, and maintaining US aid programmes. Development aid statistics now show the Americans as in relative terms last in the league of aid donors.

  396.  One last question. Does Robin Cook go along to that charming Scot, Gordon Brown, and say, "Here, look: we are going to get this money, the $65 million." What is that in sterling? You are a better mathematician than I am given your education. Do you borrow against this collateral from the Treasury? How do you make that money good?
  (Sir John Kerr)  We have access to the reserves.

Mr Heath

  397.  May I ask you, Sir John, about the integration that you have already touched on both within the Department and beyond the Department. How is the need for the mix of skills between the diplomatic staff, the military attachés, the environment attachés, the British Council of Trade at home, assessed for each mission? How do you assure yourself or how do Ministers assure themselves that the right mix is there? Is it purely departmental or is there someone who stands back and says, "No, we have got to alter that"?
  (Sir John Kerr)  It is an inspection system which works to the Chief Clerk and to me, which regularly reviews and goes out and has a look on the ground. Would you like to describe the system, Rob?
  (Mr Young)  The inspection system has been in place for a very long time. It used to be a process which was almost mandatory. Inspectors would go out from the centre and decide in relation to available resources and to worldwide standards and norms what they thought individual Posts required in terms of staffing for the various functions undertaken by the Post.

  398.  And covering all Departments, if I may interject here, not just the FCO staff?
  (Mr Young)  Yes. The inspectors would consult with all other relevant Departments in Whitehall before going to a given Post overseas and indeed sometimes they would be accompanied by somebody from the Ministry of Defence or from the Treasury on those inspections. They would come back and make recommendations which were pretty well mandatory. Ambassadors would argue strongly if those inspection recommendations could result in large cuts to their missions, but the centre in the end took the decision. We now have a somewhat more flexible, devolved process. Since 1992 we have been operating in the Foreign Office a devolved budgetary system which has got progressively greater. We have now devolved from the centre to our geographical and functional Commands in the Foreign Office over £300 million worth of budgets. Those Commands now play a much more direct role in the management of Posts than they used to. When the inspectors, who still operate on a cyclical system, come back and make their recommendations, they are now advisory to the Commands who have to decide whether or not to accept the proposals either for cuts or enhancement and it is those Commands who now have to make judgements about relative priorities within their area of responsibility and decide whether, for example, if it is in the Middle East, to reinforce Cairo at the expense of Rabat. Those inspection reports are also the subject of discussion with the other Government Departments concerned who, as I say, will have been consulted at the outset of the process. They are consulted at the end as well and our hope is that through the FCO co-ordination process we will actually achieve a rounded view of the requirements of the Posts that have been inspected.

  399.  Does that deal with the capital assets as well so that we ensure both integration and cost effectiveness of that service? Could you, in answering that, also describe what I from a local government background would call the recharging system—no doubt there is a different term in use in the Treasury—for other Departments for stationing officers of any kind in an Embassy? As I understand it, it is a pro rata assessment of the overall running costs of the Embassy that is then charged to the Department in question. That has proved a deterrent in some instances, for instance in the case of liaison officers employed by Embassies who were priced out of the market in some of the more expensive locations.
  (Mr Young)  On your first question, Mr Heath, the inspectors do indeed make recommendations about accommodation but these are handled in a slightly different way because on the whole major estate funding decisions are still taken by the central administration in London. We have devolved to Commands a certain amount of the estate budget for small works and for maintenance and so forth, but for the big issues, about whether an Embassy should sell up in one location and go somewhere else for example, are taken by the centre. While inspectors can make recommendations it is not a Command decision finally. It is a decision taken with a very heavy input from the centre which holds most of the funds. On your second question, the process of charging other Government Departments for the support services that we provide on their behalf has grown up in a rather haphazard way over the years. You can see the logic of the arrangements for individual Departments but the arrangements between Departments vary enormously. For example, for Defence Attachés the Ministry of Defence pays salaries and allowances and the Foreign Office pays local costs such as accommodation. For the newcomers on the Embassy scene, such as Drugs Liaison Officers, Airline Liaison Officers, then the originating Department pays full costs. We are trying to move to a system, and this is one of the results of the Comprehensive Spending Review that we are already putting into practice, towards a full cost charging regime for all other Government Departments who lodge with us if you like and under us in overseas Posts.


 
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