Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 400 - 419)

TUESDAY 3 FEBRUARY 1998

MR PAUL CAVADINO, PROFESSOR ANDREW RUTHERFORD AND MR ROB ALLEN

Mr Malins

  400.  I thought you did say that and the record will show.
  (Mr Cavadino) If I did say that I did not mean it.

  401.  My suggestion is, first, that a very low proportion of breaches are actually taken to court and, secondly, of those that are taken to court, a very low proportion result in custodial sentences. Would you disagree?
  (Mr Cavadino) On the first question, which is the proportion of those who breach who are taken to court, I would disagree. The national standards lay down that on the third failure to turn up or failure in some other way, the offender must be taken back to court.

  402.  I am talking about the first and second failures.
  (Mr Cavadino) The first or second failure can be dealt with at the discretion of the probation officer, either by a warning of the consequences if there are further failures to comply or by taking the offender straight back to court if it is considered sufficiently serious. The standards do say that on the third occasion, if the offender has not been taken back to court before, he must be taken back to court at that stage, and that national standard is normally applied. So we may agree on the facts about the matter, although we phrase it in different ways. On the question of what happens when the offender is taken back to court, the proportionate use of immediate custody for breaching the order varies from one sentence to another, but on the figures which the Home Office published for 1996, they appear to be of the order of, for example, 38 per cent. for a combination order and 31 per cent. for a probation order. So it is a substantial number but not the majority.

Mr Winnick

  403.  Do you think it would help the perception of your own organisations if you gave more emphasis to the need for emphasising that probation orders, combination orders and other forms of non-custodial sentences should be rigorously observed? Have you ever come out and said so?
  (Mr Cavadino) Yes, we have said so frequently. We support the work, for example, of the Probation Inspectorate. In the course of its inspections it draws attention to situations, if it finds them, in which it considers that the follow-up and enforcement of breach procedures laid down in the national standards are not being applied sufficiently rigorously. It is very important that they should be applied rigorously, both for public credibility but also so that the sentence itself can do its job of steering the offender away from crime or applying appropriate sanctions if the offender does not comply and is not steered away from crime.

  404.  I ask that question because there is this feeling, which has been touched on by some of my colleagues, that the non-custodial sentence is really a soft option that does not make much difference to the offender; he or she—usually it is a he—has plenty of time to commit other offences because the person is not in prison. How do you think this can be dealt with to reassure the public that not giving a prison sentence is not a soft option and the offender, who has undoubtedly committed some offences for which he is receiving a non-custodial sentence, will be properly and rigorously dealt with by the Probation Service?
  (Mr Allen) In some respects the introduction of the combination order at the beginning of the 1990s, which combines probation, which had traditionally emphasised more trying to rehabilitate the offender, with community service, which is actually paying back, doing unpaid work for a number of hours up to 100, is an attempt to combine those two elements of what is involved in community supervision, and it is a very popular order with the courts because courts like to see both that the underlying problems and difficulties that an offender has that are leading him to get into trouble are being addressed, but they also have to pay back for what they have done to the community, and I think that is the direction which has driven the Probation Service in recent years.

  405.  Could I finally ask the three witnesses before us, do you have any contact with victims? In the Howard League, for example, do you ever meet the victims of those who have committed offences, and the same applies, unless it is in your day-to-day job, which I would not know, but otherwise what contact as organisations do you have with those who are the victims of criminality?
  (Professor Rutherford) The Howard League were instrumental some years ago in this whole idea of compensation for victims order. That came from the League many years ago and so on and so forth.

  406.  You pioneered that concept?
  (Professor Rutherford) The Howard League, Margery Fry at the time, was the first person to put that idea forward and there has been a recognition that victims are a crucial part of it. I suppose most people in this room have been victims, as have many members of the Howard League staff been victims, of various sorts of crimes. It is not that there is an ignorance of victims. This is why these things are complex. The distinction between offender and victim is not always easy to draw. You are dealing here with personal relationships very often. If you are looking at violence within the home, which is an issue that the League has been concerned about, there are problems of recognising that the crime event is a complex thing. What you are trying to do is to reduce the harm being done to people and sometimes the relationship between the offender and the victim is something that has to be worked on and so on and so forth. All I am trying to say is that what is important in this approach to alternatives to imprisonment is not to lose—I hate to keep coming back to the American thing; I love the United States but I am worried about the direction it is going in. What is happening in America is that they are removing the human face from all this and the simplistic American model has been developed.

Mr Cranston

  407.  But I do not think any one of us here is arguing for that model.
  (Professor Rutherford) No, I am not suggesting you are for a moment but I think there is a danger of drifting in that direction.

Chairman

  408.  I am worried about the direction in which we are going, too, because every time we appear to have got off that subject we come back to it.
  (Mr Allen) Could I say on the question of victims, the Committee may be interested to know that NACRO was involved in setting up the first victim support scheme in Bristol in the early 1970s and as an organisation we have always retained very close and strong links, sharing accommodation, for example, and we do work closely on initiatives. It is a totally false trail to try and suggest that somehow we are the offenders organisation and Victim Support are the victims organisation, partly for the reasons that Andrew gave, that in practice there are many people who commit offences who are also victims of crime and vice-versa, but also we are both organisations who are interested in creating a safer society and a great deal of NACRO's work is very much about crime prevention and particularly focusing on trying to prevent youngsters getting into trouble in the first place, and Victim Support are all in favour of that.
  (Mr Cavadino) From the standpoint of the Penal Affairs Consortium, which, as you know, co-ordinates a number of other organisations, we include some victim organisations within our membership. Others, because they do not take a detailed policy stance on the issues we are interested in, are not full members but we liaise with them closely. We regard the care and support of victims as one of the three things, the other two being prevention of crime and work to prevent re-offending through the way offenders are dealt with, the three things which need to be done alongside each other in order to reduce the harm and distress which are caused by criminal activity.

  Mr Winnick: That is a very helpful answer. Thank you very much.

Chairman

  409.  Coming to young offenders now, do we all agree that intervening at a young age gives you a better chance of influencing the way in which people behave?
  (Professor Rutherford) If I can come in first on that, I think it depends what you mean by intervention. The Home Secretary has invented this phrase—

  410.  We are going to come to what we mean by it, but do we agree in principle?
  (Professor Rutherford) It depends what you mean by intervention.

  411.  Do we agree that certain core youth offenders are dragging down whole communities? Indeed, some of us who have worked in the poor areas of the country see it daily with our own eyes. Do we agree with that?
  (Mr Cavadino) I think we do agree that if young people can be dealt with by effective diversion programmes before they start to offend repeatedly, if they can be dealt with by effective bail support programmes and by speeding up the process rather than by—

  412.  We will come to diversion but what I want to concentrate on are these core youth offenders who are, I believe, rightly or wrongly, dragging down whole communities. I can virtually name some of them in my constituency. To engage their attention you have to hold them in secure accommodation, do you not?
  (Mr Cavadino) Some young people have to be held in secure accommodation, either because of the seriousness or the persistence of their offending.

  413.  Because some of them believe, rightly or wrongly, that they are immune from sanctions partly because of their age, and the police have that idea, too. They tell victims very often, "Sorry, nothing we can do until he becomes 16"?
  (Professor Rutherford) Yes, I think this point about intervention is important. It will not necessarily follow that if you have a list from Northumbria Police or anybody else of these ten demon youngsters, and assuming you had the powers there, are operating within a society that believes in the rule of law, that you can actually prove and so on and so forth, the procedures are followed, you then remove these ten youngsters to some secure place—it will not necessarily follow, as I think everybody in this room would appreciate, that the problem actually goes with them, that is to say, the problem is usually wider than what is represented by these ten youngsters. That is not an argument for not dealing with those ten youngsters.

  414.  I am sure that is right, but where we know there is a serious problem, regardless of age, we should deal with it with all the means at our disposal, should we not?
  (Professor Rutherford) Yes, but the danger is getting seduced into the idea that you pick off a handful of families or a handful of youngsters in any community and you have somehow dealt with the issue. The evidence does not support that that is likely to be the result.

  415.  One of the problems is that these core youngsters become role models for others who are not likely to offend if shown another way forward, and that unless you address yourself to the core offenders, whatever their age—and some of them are very young, I acknowledge that—you are never going to make an impact. That is the point I am putting to you.
  (Professor Rutherford) You certainly have to address yourself to the problem that they present and that may be dependent on what they have been convicted of and so on. It may be that secure accommodation is the required response but I think the danger is that in terms of policy one gets seduced into the idea that it is a question of a small number of identifiable youngsters who can be picked off and removed and you have somehow dealt with the issue. It is the seductive fallacy, I think, of going down that road.

  416.  One of the things we have done with the youngest of these types of offenders in the past is put them in the hands of social services who have put them into children's homes alongside other children who are not offenders at all but are there because their family has broken down for one reason or another, with the result that they then cause mayhem in such places. Do you agree with that?
  (Professor Rutherford) That may have been an approach. Certainly it is not one that I think would be a particularly productive approach. This is why alternatives to prison are so important. You have to consider what the alternative is by placing them in a penal institution. I do not know how much opportunity you will have, as well as looking at programmes in the community, of just getting a sample of what goes on in the average young offender institution because that would be quite a salutary experience.

  417.  We can talk about the regime inside and, indeed, we can negotiate about the regime inside once we have engaged their attention, but if we cannot engage their attention then we are never going to be able to get as far as the regime, are we, if they are escaping every week?
  (Mr Allen) There are a lot of interventions that can attempt to engage these youngsters very much earlier on and as to the idea that agencies can work together to identify those who have the characteristics of being at risk of becoming the kind of youngsters that you are describing maybe from quite an early age, the last Government produced some proposals for agencies to work together in what were, unfortunately in our view, called child crime teams. We would not call it that. The current Government's proposals for youth offending teams suggest—and it is out for consultation still—that they should have a role in identifying and preventing youngsters, setting up programmes aimed at the specific youngsters, often known by name to the agencies, interventions with them and their families which are designed to keep them on the straight and narrow, succeeding at school, off drugs, off solvent abuse and all the rest of it, which, if neglected, can lead to the kind of youngsters you have described.

  418.  We will come to all that in a minute, and I acknowledge its place. I am trying to stick with these core offenders, who I do believe exist, although I appreciate it will not be as simplistic as some would allege. I thought we agreed some years ago that there were to be secure training centres for such children, regardless of age. Do we have them?
  (Mr Cavadino) There are two separate forms of secure provision which have developed. One is local authority secure accommodation where, since 1992, an additional 170 places have been provided.

  419.  But they exist already, do they?
  (Mr Cavadino) 160 of the additional places have been provided and the other ten are coming on stream later this year. That is local authority secure accommodation. The second proposal which the last Government made was to set up five secure training centres, the first of which is due to open in April. The secure training order, therefore, is not yet in force and is due to come into force on 17 April. The Crime and Disorder Bill will introduce a new detention and training order to replace the secure training order and the sentence of detention in a young offender institution.


 
previous page contents next page

House of Commons home page Parliament home page House of Lords home page search page enquiries

© Parliamentary copyright 1998
Prepared 10 September 1998