Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 40 - 59)

TUESDAY 17 FEBRUARY 1998

RT HON JACK STRAW MP and MR DENIS EVANS

  40. I take that point entirely. There is a difference, is there not, between a right, which I share with you, that no-one should take away in a democracy the right to belong to such organisations, but is it desirable, that is my basic question? Is it desirable for a judge to sit on the bench carrying out his role being a member of a secret society?

  (Mr Straw) It is desirable that a declaration is made. It is not undesirable that people are members of freemasons. If I was to say that I would be denying the point I shared with Mr Howarth. People have got an absolute right to belong to these societies. If they have then it is a matter for them to make that decision. There are many, many freemasons, I am absolutely certain, in each branch of the criminal justice system who perform their duties with absolute fairness and impeccably, no question about that. The proof that people are able to combine their membership of the freemasons with membership of one or other of these branches of the criminal justice system is there for people to see. There is no doubt about that. The issue is is there something to be worried about? Yes, because of its secretiveness. That was brought out by this inquiry last year. Should we do something about it? Yes, we should make it a declarable interest in the way which we propose.

  Chairman: We are going to turn to the prevention of terrorism. Mr Winnick again.

Mr Winnick

  41. You are intending, Home Secretary, to bring in permanent legislation, are you not, on anti-terrorism? If so, when can we expect the measure to come before the House of Commons?

  (Mr Straw) Sorry?

  42. When can we expect the measure to come before the House of Commons?

  (Mr Straw) I made a statement to the House on 31 October last year setting out my broad proposals. I am intending to bring forward a consultative document on the proposals in the next couple of months and then it is a matter for my colleagues to determine whether we can get legislation next year or the year after. I ought to tell you, however, that meanwhile it will be necessary obviously to renew the Prevention of Terrorism Act. I made that clear last October.

  43. Given the present situation, the crisis which may or may not lead to military conflict, are you satisfied, Home Secretary, that all possible measures are now being taken to combat any terrorism which may arise if military action is taken by the allies?

  (Mr Straw) Yes, I am. You will forgive me for not going into details. I am satisfied.

  44. I do not want the details, I just wanted to have your answer on the question.

  (Mr Straw) I am satisfied that we are taking as many measures as possible to do this.

  45. Was the Home Office consulted by the American Embassy before they took the action they have taken to protect their Embassy building?

  (Mr Straw) If you will forgive me, it is not usual practice to go into detail on matters like that. I do not wish to set a precedent.

  46. What do you say, Home Secretary, to the concern which has been expressed by governments abroad, in the Arab world particularly, that people in this country who have managed to secure residence, asylum, of one means or another are involved in terrorist acts, it has not been alleged for one moment against anything in the United Kingdom but nevertheless are in part conspiring to commit terrorism abroad, usually in their country of origin? Do you take these allegations seriously?

  (Mr Straw) Yes. There is a certain degree of misapprehension about the position in this country. We have a different and more thorough legal system, shall I say, than other countries and people are free to go about their business here unless and until there is a suspicion that they have committed a criminal offence or that in other respects it is possible for me as Home Secretary to declare that their presence here is not conducive to the public good and then to require them to leave, although that raises another story. The law has had to be amended recently in the light of the Jahal case before the European Court of Human Rights. However, we have habeas corpus which some other countries do not. I think that is a very important protection for people's civil liberties. It inevitably means that we cannot be as pre-emptory as other countries may be to remove people either from the country as a whole or from liberty as they can. All that said, we accept that there is a gap in the law, that there is not an offence at the moment in this country to conspire to commit terrorist acts abroad. The previous administration sought to deal with that and the Bill fell at dissolution last March. We wish to fill that legislative gap as soon as possible.

  47. I understand the case that you mentioned which went before the European Court of Human Rights because you may remember that one of my own constituents, Raghbir Singh, was affected by that otherwise he would probably have remained in prison for a long time to come. When the massacre took place of foreign citizens in Egypt, a large number of whom were UK citizens, the reaction, if I remember, of the Egyptian Government was to put some blame on the United Kingdom and they said that we were harbouring people who were in fact involved in promoting terrorism. Did the Foreign Office receive any representation from the Egyptian Government which was passed on to the Home Office?

  (Mr Straw) We were certainly made aware of the feelings of the Egyptian ministers and President. I took those remarks to be made at a time of very great shock by Egyptian ministers. It is not the case that we are harbouring terrorists for a second. Where there is evidence then action can be taken, including by declaring their presence not conducive to the public good, although in some cases there is then an issue of which country they are removed to. There are big issues there. Sometimes countries abroad may find it hard to appreciate that someone who they regard as a very serious opponent of their regime has committed no offence here, and they have not, and may too be applying for asylum under the 1951 Convention. That is something that we have to accept. The idea that the United Kingdom is a haven for Islamic terrorists is totally unjustified and very unhelpful. A lot of these countries also know from other ways what action we are taking to deal with this matter in the best possible way.

  48. I accept entirely your statement that the United Kingdom is not a safe haven in any way whatsoever for terrorists, never has been and hopefully never will be. Nevertheless, there is always the possibility, as you will no doubt concede, that people could come into this country under false pretences and engage in the sort of actions which cannot possibly be tolerated if it was known to the authorities. What I am asking you to accept, Home Secretary, is this: instead of generalisations from foreign governments, be it the Egyptian Government after the terrible massacre or indeed any other foreign government, are names actually submitted? Do I work on the reasonable assumption that if names are given by foreign governments then there is indeed a thorough investigation by the appropriate people in the United Kingdom?

  (Mr Straw) You will forgive me, Mr Winnick, if I do not go into operational details of the kind of co-operation that takes place between law enforcement agencies in this country and those abroad except to say that there is a high degree of co-operation.

  Mr Winnick: I think that answers my question as far as it is possible for to go, thank you.

Mr Howarth

  49. I realise, Home Secretary, that it is difficult to frame legislation in dealing with those who have sought refuge in this country and then seek to disturb relationships between this country and our allies by fomenting disorder back at home as it were. May I suggest to you that I think this is clearly a case where the British public would be perfectly happy to rely upon the discretion of the Home Secretary and that you should not be afraid of accepting the burden of that responsibility although you may have to account for it. It may be a better way than trying to put this into legislation.

  (Mr Straw) I am grateful to you for that, Mr Howarth.

  50. I have every confidence in you.

  (Mr Straw) Thank you very much, I will remember that if I may.

Chairman

  51. It may come in very useful some time.

  (Mr Straw) There is a strong case for extending the law of conspiracy to conspiracy to commit acts abroad, there is no doubt about that. Lord Lloyd in his review of the law on terrorism strongly endorsed an extension of the law in respect of conspiracy and actually called it "the most significant measure which could be taken against those who conspire here to commit terrorism acts abroad". We are not in any doubt about the case for that and we will implement the legislation as quickly as possible. Colleagues are agreed that we should legislate, it is simply a question of finding a legislative opportunity. That is not an alternative to action under the 1971 Immigration Act but a complement to it. There is this problem, however, with my power to declare people's presence here not conducive to the public good if they are here. That is you have to have somewhere to remove them to. Normally you would want to remove them back to the country of origin but if they have legitimate grounds for claiming that if they are removed there then they will be, say, sentenced to death or shot in an alleyway, then there are the most serious problems and they may in any event apply for asylum. That is a difficulty there and it is not one that can be brushed lightly aside. That is different from if we get information, as we do with some regularity, about people who wish to come to this country to foment trouble. They can be excluded by fiat and they are, there is no right of appeal and no issue of asylum arises because they are not in the jurisdiction. It is when they get here that the difficulty arises.

  52. Further to the point made by Mr Winnick, can I just draw your attention—I do not ask you to comment on this and I have sent you a copy although you may not have seen it yet—to an interview with some opponent of the Egyptian Government which appeared in Der Spiegel in the third week of January who appears to justify the events in Luxor. It is a very ambiguous interview indeed, in fact some may think it is not all that ambiguous.

  (Mr Straw) Thank you, I will have a look at it.

Mr Winnick

  53. I was not aware of that interview but it does show the seriousness of the allegations made which I was referring to by the Egyptian Government. Although perhaps not in itself a matter for deportation it must cause tremendous concern amongst British people, and even more so amongst the loved ones of those who were murdered not so long ago, that some creature in Britain who has come to this country should actually go out of his way to justify such a massacre.

  (Mr Straw) I accept that. The idea that we are wilfully harbouring terrorists is completely untrue.

  54. Yes, I accept that.

  (Mr Straw) We are taking a great deal of action to deal with the terrorist threat.

Chairman

  55. Turning back for a moment to the Prevention of Terrorism Act, you have said that it will need to be reviewed this year, possibly next year, in its existing form. Presumably there is nothing to stop some of the practices that are now regarded as unacceptable from being changed?

  (Mr Straw) Which do you have in mind?

  56. For example the failure to record interviews with terrorist suspects. We must have learned by now that it is desirable from everybody's point of view that an active record exists.

  (Mr Straw) That is changing. There are proposals—I am trying to recollect offhand whether they have come into force—for the silent videoing of interviews in Northern Ireland. I can certainly let the Committee have a note on this. I know that Dr Mowlam is anxious to see improvements in the system and I think, although I speak from recollection, that some have been introduced.

  57. I am not talking about silent videoing.

  (Mr Straw) I announced to the House in any event on 31 October that there were now no exclusion orders extant, so that is one change that has really helped.

  58. The point I am making is there is nothing to stop you indicating to the police concerned, indeed they may have already voluntarily gone down this road, that you expect interviews with terrorist suspects to be properly recorded.

  (Mr Straw) I will come back to you about that because I do not want to give an answer on which I am not fully accurate.3 My certain knowledge is that in most cases they are but I will look at the practice. Let me say there is also the issue of a judicial element in the extension of the tension process.

3 See Annex B.

  59. That was my next point.

  (Mr Straw) We as a Government and as a party are committed to changing the system. However, a move to judicial authority would require primary legislation. That would form part of the changes which we propose in the long-term Anti Terrorism Bill.

  Chairman: Thank you. Can we now turn to privacy. Mr Howarth.


 
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