Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Note submitted by Mr Nicholas Bond

LETTER TO THE CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE

GOVERNMENT POLICY ON POLITICAL ASYLUM APPLICANTS IN DETENTION

  On Tuesday evenings I visit Harmondsworth Immigration Detention Centre (both DA and JA blocks) after work, as part of a group. I have raised some concerns with my own MP, and have been directed by a member of her office staff to contact you in your capacity as Chairman of the Home Affairs Select Committee.

  I would like to raise the following issues:

    1.  Detainees are very distressed that they are treated like criminals although they have committed no crime. They would understand a fixed and known duration of detention (eg one month), but at present they do not know if they will be released tomorrow or in two years' time!

    2.  I have spoken to a number of torture victims. I think it is wrong that they are being detained.

    3.  Detainees have to share rooms. This means that a torture victim will have to get undressed in a shared room each night, exposing torture wounds to the sight of his or her room-mate? This can be deeply humiliating. How would a man such as John in attached case A feel?

    4.  Detainees feel frightened to complain about abuses in case they are branded trouble-makers and deported. I heard a claim that a detainee had his mouth taped while being transferred from one centre to another. Recently a member of Group 4 described a colleague as a bitch ("tell the bitch to. . .") in my presence in the signing-in portacabin (DA Block). What is to stop her abusing a detainee?

    5.  I have spoken to a middle aged, far from athletic man, in JA Block, who was handcuffed before being taken to Harmondsworth. In his country of origin, being handcuffed was the prelude to having teeth punched out as a start to the torture he suffered.

    6.  Torture Victims may not like to reveal more about their suffering than necessary (see case B attached). They may tell what they think is enough to obtain Political Asylum, and only reveal the true horrors as a last resort. This means that they may fail on first hearing, but succeed on appeal after a full medical examination. However, the lack of legal aid at appeal stage effectively rules out the ability to appeal.

    7.  Members of our group have seen several children in detention, either with mothers or unaccompanied in the last year or so. On 28 April a number of us saw a 15 year old girl (Magdalene Uwaifo from Nigeria—Date of birth—Feb 1983) in DA Block.

    8.  On 28 April I spoke to a man who had been badly tortured. The Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture is currently compiling a report following a visit. He has developed toothache, but on 27 April he was told that he can only see a dentist if he goes handcuffed. Apart from the humiliation, this would risk giving him flash-backs and panic attacks as he was handcuffed during torture. He feels no choice but to put up with his toothache.

    9.  On 15 July 1996 (Hansard columns 808 and 813) Jack Straw said that a Labour government would not operate the White List elements of the 1996 Asylum and Immigration Act and described aspects of the Act as:

    unprincipled,

    playing the race card,

    showing moral barrenness.

  One year later, the Labour Government is not only operating the Act but planning to increase the number of detention centres.

  I feel I must draw your attention to the suffering caused to torture victims and others by current Home Office policies towards Political Asylum Applicants. In detention they are shut away, unpopular, humiliated, depressed, and in despair and have no effective voice of their own.

2 May 1998

CASE A: JOHN

Client from Nigeria with complex story where medical evidence essential

  John was a Christian minister in Nigeria, as was his father. His father was critical of the government's handling of the oil deposits in the area and the family were persecuted in consequence. He himself was arrested and beaten with whips and batons on many occasions between 1990 and 1992. He was accused of inciting people to oppose government policy.

  In December 1993 he was arrested while conducting a church service along with his mother, brother and sister, and almost everyone else in the church who had not already been shot. Arriving at the church almost unconscious from beatings already received, he was then stripped, handcuffed and beaten further with a whip, a metal rod, and a chair leg. He was suspended by his wrists and beaten on his feet. The following day he was brought into a room with his mother. Both were stripped and abused in front of each other. His interrogators then shot his mother in the legs. She collapsed bleeding and was then killed in front of him. He was threatened with the same treatment.

  In the days that followed John was subjected to further torture, including being forced to sit on a broken bottle and having a large needle passed through his penis and scrotum.

  Eventually he escaped from detention through bribery and was assisted in fleeing to the UK for a large sum, in spite of the fact that he was a wanted man for whose capture a substantial reward was offered. He was escorted to London, where he was left after one night. He had no idea what to do about claiming asylum. He knew no one in the UK at all. After a while he met people at a church, including other Nigerians and a lawyer who helped him to apply for asylum.

  Initially the Home Office proposed to consider his case under the Short Procedure. However, John found good legal advice from an experienced asylum lawyer and support and help from the Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture. Following representations from them, the Home Office agreed that his case needed to be dealt with in more depth, including the submission of medical and psychiatric evidence.

  John is in a very vulnerable psychological state, being cared for in a special hostel. He will probably need surgery for his injuries.

  Without the benefit of legal advice, and help from the Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture, it is likely that John's case would have been dealt with rapidly. It is most doubtful whether the full horror of what John had suffered would have emerged.

CASE B: SARAH

Case where last minute medical evidence was crucial

Under the proposed new procedures, Sarah would be even less likely to be able to produce the essential evidence needed to allow her to remain in the UK

  Sarah's husband was an opposition activist in Zaire. Following an incident of soldiers being attacked by youths in her area, soldiers raided her house. She was gang-raped, her brothers-in-law shot dead when they tried to protect her and her husband arrested. She had no news about her husband and a few days after the incident soldiers had tried to discover where she was. She immediately fled the country.

  This was the account given by Sarah to the Home Office. While both they and the Adjudicator believed her story, they formed the impression that it was an isolated revenge attack and that she would not be in danger if she returned. Without proper legal advice, Sarah did not know she needed to explain her husband's political involvement, that her attackers thought that she shared her husband's political views, that the men who raped her had also threatened to kill her. Nor did she find it possible to reveal to officials the full details of her rape. It was only with a doctor and counsellors whom she trusted that the full extent of what she had suffered came to light. A medical report from the Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture provided evidence of the rape she had suffered. Under the Government's new speeded up procedures, the essential details of Sarah's case would be even less likely to come to light.

  Although the Adjudicator had recommended that, because Sarah was "an honest young woman who has suffered and witnessed appalling brutality" about whom he had "serious doubts as to her ability to cope without expert help", she should be given Exceptional Leave to Remain, the Home Office refused. Instead they made arrangements to deport her. It was only because it was possible for further evidence to be gathered, submitted and considered, that eventually the Home Office allowed her to stay and receive the help which as a torture victim she so much needs.


 
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