Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 20 - 39)

TUESDAY 2 JUNE 1998

PROFESSOR ROBERT BLACKBURN AND DR DAVID BUTLER

Chairman

  20. Given that a significant proportion of our population do not vote, and I am thinking of the South Hylton ward in my constituency where the turnout was 11.6 per cent last month, how would one enforce against the other 88 per cent?
  (Dr Butler) If there was a fine, and it was well publicised, it would jump up but it would still be unpleasant. In Australia there is a $15 fine, I think, but surprisingly few people are fined. There is an absolute obligation on the Electoral Commission to summon anybody who does not record a vote and demand an explanation.

Mr Linton

  21. In local elections as well?
  (Dr Butler) It varies on local and state elections. Compulsory voting is not universal. There have been people, particularly in the Liberal Party in Australia, saying they want to abolish compulsory voting because they think they would do rather better, the quality of compulsory voting, they think, is getting the unlettered to vote who would not otherwise bother. In fact, public opinion is in favour of it. It has been an Australian tradition and there is no likelihood of it being abandoned there.
  (Professor Blackburn) I do not think there should be any draconian enforcement of a compulsory voting requirement if it was introduced. If that came about I think it would show that the system was failing and probably should be withdrawn again. This is a reform that should be introduced by consent and with popular backing and it would just be one more mechanism for persuading people to vote.

Chairman

  22. If it is not enforced it is not compulsory or credible.
  (Professor Blackburn) There are very little enforcement problems with compulsorily registering one's vote by comparison. You do not hear of any draconian enforcement or problems relating to that. I think the requirement to actually fill in the form and actually indicate who you vote for or whether you do not want to vote at all is not any more draconian or awful than having to register one's vote in the first place. We all fill in numerous other official forms.

  23. Where there is the habit of a 96 and 97 per cent turnout, enforcing against the three or four per cent is not a problem, but where there is the habit of a turnout even in General Elections in my area now in the 50 per cents, how do you enforce against the other 40-odd per cent?
  (Dr Butler) Frankly I do not think that compulsory voting is on. There are different kinds of inducements. I think I am right in saying this. The interesting thing is the two countries in Europe which have 90 per cent turnouts are Belgium and Italy and in each case they actually have a registration card. They have identity cards and they get stamped and there is a sort of civic bonus for having your card stamped. So there is a kind of incentive to vote in that way.

  24. Might it be more in keeping with the spirit of the age if we inserted some sort of modest financial incentive for voting, for example a differential on Council Tax, say £15 or £20, between those who voted and those who chose not to? It would not cost anything because you would balance it out.
  (Dr Butler) I have no expert view to offer on that.

  Mr Winnick: That would penalise, would it not, those who have religious objections?

Chairman

  25. I would like to get an answer to that first of all. There is not a lot of religion in voting as far as I can tell.
  (Professor Blackburn) I would have to think about it. It seems a bit odd at first sight. I think the main way forward in facilitating compulsory voting is simply to persuade people to vote. It is a good thing to vote. I think overwhelmingly people believe that they are under some moral or social sense of obligation to participate in casting one's vote. And to make it easier for them to vote, we should possibly explore further ways of postal voting for those people who find it inconvenient because of their work or for other reasons. Making it easier to vote would be a great help.

  26. Neither of you are aware of any system where incentives are offered?
  (Dr Butler) I believe, but I am not an expert on this, that de facto it is very sensible to vote in Italy. I do not think people are sent to prison or fined but there is this stamping of the card and it does have some advantage. I am afraid one would have to get professional advice on that.

Mr Winnick

  27. But it is interesting, is it not, that where there is compulsory voting that does exist, although that is not the right term for it as I have said previously, the number of people who say "no" for no other reason than they simply do not want to vote is very few indeed?
  (Dr Butler) Yes.

  28. Why should we believe we should be any different in Britain, if indeed this came about?
  (Dr Butler) You get quite a lot of civil libertarian objections to this. The right not to vote is a perfectly reasonable thing.

  29. But we are giving them the right not to vote by abstaining.
  (Dr Butler) I know people who do this and in Australia you get quite regular academic articles of protest against compulsory voting on quite sophisticated arguments, political theory arguments. I am with Robert here, you have got to make voting easy, you have got to encourage people. I just cannot believe that this country is ready for an extra nanny-state "you have got to vote" sort of thing, it would be seen as one more sinister thing this current Government is doing to intimidate the British public or subvert the whole system against one particular party.

  30. But that is not your view, is it, Professor Blackburn? That is not your view about making people vote as such but having to register an abstention. Your memorandum seems to give a different impression.
  (Professor Blackburn) Views and interpretations of civil liberties vary over a period of time. We are living in a completely different age from one hundred years ago and people then no doubt would have thought we were living in a pretty totalitarian regime today. We are subjected to so many forms of control and legal requirements these days that I think being asked to fill in a voting ballot paper is really no longer an intrusion into one's civil liberty in the same way that it might have been perceived some time ago. Whilst I can see that there could still be an objection on individual freedom grounds, if it could be shown that public opinion has shifted on this and there is popular support for compulsory voting I personally would favour it. I would not want to introduce it if the majority of people were against it but if there was a clear majority in favour my perception is that people would not object to being asked to fill out this form and if it includes a box permitting an abstention, you can fill that in. I cannot really see any logical objection to that. Can I add one point, Chairman, which is if you would like me to undertake some research into whether incentives do exist in compulsory voting systems elsewhere then if you ask the Clerk to contact me I will be very happy to carry out that research for you.

  Mr Winnick: Thank you very much.

  Chairman: Thank you.

Ms Hughes

  31. I have two questions, one of which we have touched on. It was to do with what further analysis there has been of the extent to which turnout varies between different groups in the population, different geographical areas, gender and ethnic groups. You have touched on some of those issues, although I think most of the evidence I have seen come through to the Committee has not really given us any degree of sophisticated analysis about those kinds of issues, nor whether such an analysis would lead to any consideration of efforts to target methods of trying to increase turnout where in fact it is lowest. I wonder if you have anything further to add on those points?
  (Dr Butler) I was at a conference two weeks ago at which there was a paper. I cannot remember exactly who did all the papers. One was Ivor Crewe, Vice-Chancellor of Essex University, and certainly Tony Heath and others in the British Electoral Survey, which is largely based in Nuffield College, have done papers. There is a body of work that could be sent to you tomorrow if you contact them but I do not have any figures in my head to offer you.

  32. Could we try and get some of that evidence and perhaps consider one of those people coming along. The second question is the difference in turnout between General and local elections. Some of the turnouts in some areas at the last local election, in the region where I live, were as low as ten or 11 per cent. I wonder whether there are any other factors on top of those that we have discussed generally in terms of General Elections that might be germane there? What about the question whether in the debate about the local elections there should be annual elections or four yearly elections? There might be a number of arguments in that debate but is one around whether annual elections simply bore people and you are going to get a higher turnout for local elections if they are four yearly? What about the role of the media in terms of General Elections and local elections? Is there anything that could be done in relation to media coverage to improve turnout at local elections?
  (Dr Butler) Turnout at local elections has been very fully studied by Rallings & Thrasher at the University of Plymouth. They produced an admirable book last November called Global Elections in which they had a chapter which gives you very good statistics over time. They are very lively and intelligent people who it would be worth talking to. They know about it. There have been loads of little studies of local elections, and obviously you have touched on the central point. There is virtually no prior coverage of the local elections. If you looked at the papers for the last week of April of this year you would find virtually nothing whereas if you looked at the papers for the last week of April last year you would find three or four political stories on the front page of every broadsheet paper and it was topping the news right the way through. The General Election is obviously of a totally different order of magnitude of coverage and that is the main reason why there is that difference. An exciting hotly fought bi-election very seldom gets to within ten per cent of the turnout that the same constituency has in a General Election when there is much less focus on that particular seat.

Chairman

  33. I just want to press Professor Blackburn on this business of compulsory turnout. I still do not understand how you can hope credibly to enforce compulsory voting.
  (Professor Blackburn) If it is introduced it should be introduced by consent and have cross-party support. That may be too much to hope for but it would be desirable to try and achieve it. I think you would want to have some indication of the level of popular support for it or not and those, perhaps like myself and others who think it is a good idea in principle, should seek to persuade others of the virtues of creating a legal responsibility to vote. The end result we are looking for is a much higher turnout and therefore an expression of democratic will or national opinion about who should be governing the country. I certainly do not think there should be draconian enforcement of this, but I do not think there would be.

  34. What kind of enforcement do you envisage?
  (Professor Blackburn) I would have thought a nominal fine.

  35. I come back to the South Hylton ward in my constituency, a nominal fine against 88.4 per cent of the people who did not vote, how would you enforce it?
  (Professor Blackburn) I think a decision would have to be made ideally by an Electoral Commission as to whether and, if so, when and how it wanted to get heavy about it.

Chairman

  36. If it did not choose to enforce it then it is not compulsory.
  (Professor Blackburn) It does seem to be the case that if you enshrine principles in law people are much more likely to respect them. One would seek to encourage people to comply with their obligation to return the form like they return their tax returns, like they return their voting registration forms, like they return numerous other official forms. This seems a very innocuous one and I cannot think of anyone feeling terribly deeply about it: "I absolutely refuse to return this form". I can think of many other forms that they would much rather not return. One would seek to persuade people that this is a good thing to do and try and encourage them and make it easier for them to return their ballot paper.

  Mr Winnick: Is there not a difference between local and General Elections and it may well be that what would be appropriate in a General Election would certainly not be appropriate in a local election? Why should we work on the assumption that people in this country are less law abiding when it comes to such matters than Australians? Is there any reason to believe that?

Chairman

  37. I think if you could start with Mr Winnick's first question. Are you suggesting compulsory voting for local as well as General Elections?
  (Professor Blackburn) It seems to me that it would be a good idea to start with General Elections. I agree that compulsory voting where you have a much lower electoral turnout in the first place as is common in local elections could be problematic. I would be inclined to test the water over a period of years in General Elections assuming there is political and popular support for this measure. But I perceive there is growing support for this now as indicated by that opinion poll that I referred to.

Mr Winnick

  38. My second point: why should we work on the assumption that in such matters we are less law abiding than the Australians?
  (Professor Blackburn) I do not think we are. We are probably more law abiding. There are always problems in drawing comparisons with other countries. Australia is a huge place and there are different political and social traditions there. I think compulsory voting would actually work better here than in Australia.

  Chairman: Now the current level of accuracy of the register. Mr Singh?

Mr Singh

  39. Dr Butler, your evidence suggested that the accuracy of the register fell significantly in the post-war decades but improvements have occurred during the 1990s. Is that correct and, if so, why?
  (Dr Butler) There is thought to be greater mobility of the population. Again I think I should refer you to the electoral administrators who will talk to you about this. There are these specific studies done by the Central Statistical Service linking the register to the census and finding out where the register was better or worse. There is a great variation between best practice in different local authorities. Some do a much better job than others, some do more canvassing. It has been a very good thing that twelve years ago the Association of Electoral Administrators was actually founded. I went to its inaugural thing in Torquay about 12 years ago. They have now got going and they are steadily raising their standards, comparing notes with each other, supplying a very valuable force of people who go overseas as missionaries, as election watchers or election administrators in new democracies, in Africa and elsewhere. There is a lot of evidence on the registration question being assembled. There is some specific work being done at this moment at Nuffield College. My old friend, Michael Pinto-Duschinsky, has been collecting data on this. I do not think I want to go into any detail because I have not worked in it, I am just aware that you are moving into a territory where there is a lot of hard evidence that your poor Clerk could doubtless collect.


 
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