Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 154 - 159)

TUESDAY 9 JUNE 1998

JANE ENTICOTT, MARGARET PEDLER AND MR ALUN THOMAS

  Chairman: Good morning to our witnesses. As you probably know, this is the second oral evidence session of a short inquiry that we are doing into how to make elections more user-friendly, and you have kindly submitted written evidence to us, and we just want to ask you a few questions that arise mainly from your written evidence. I am going to ask Mr Winnick to start the ball rolling.

Mr Winnick

  154. Thank you, Mr Chairman. I think I would be right in saying we are all sympathetic on this Committee about the difficulties that disabled people have in voting, but we want obviously to try to get as accurate a picture as possible, and I would ask you, first of all, if you could give a rough estimate, and obviously it could only be a rough estimate, of the number of disabled people who, in your view, and your colleagues', were prevented in the last general election from voting only because of their disability?
  (Ms Enticott) Thank you. My name is Jane Enticott and I was a co-author of the two Polls Apart reports that SCOPE did into access to voting. We would base our figures on the 1988 Office of Population Census Survey's figures into the numbers of disabled people in the country. Projections now state that there must be over seven million disabled people in the United Kingdom; that comes out as one in four households have a disabled member. Seventy per cent of those surveyed in the OPCS were found to have a physical disability which affected their locomotion, their ability to get out and about; half of those seven million people are thought to be of working age. To extrapolate these figures, that would be roughly between 10,000 and 15,000 people per constituency; this can only be a rough estimate, obviously, because provision varies from area to area, and we found, in Polls Apart 2, that 81 per cent of polling stations have one or more access problems, therefore it is likely that substantial numbers of disabled people in each area are affected. The failures of the system range from lack of access, we believe, to lack of knowledge about people's eligibility to actually vote.

  155. But, can I put this to you: we know that amongst the electorate there are people who do not vote, out of indifference, there are all kinds of reasons why they do not vote; would we not be right in coming to the conclusion that, certainly amongst the disabled, and if we work on the assumption that the disabled are like all the other sections of the community, are hardly likely to be different except in their disability, there must be a number who simply do not vote because they do not want to do so, like those other people that I have been mentioning?
  (Ms Enticott) I think you are probably right; we have not investigated that in that way, although we did interview disabled people as part of this process in 1992 and 1997, and those were in-depth interviews with up to a hundred people, and our experience was that they actually very much valued their right to vote and it was very important to them, their experience generally made them feel that voting was their duty and responsibility.

  156. You will forgive me if I press this point, but would it not be the case that disabled people, in general, appreciate the right to vote, as indeed do the majority of people, fortunately, the large majority of people, it sustains our democracy, but all that I am saying to you is that it is quite likely that amongst the disabled it is the same percentage as in the rest of the community who, for various reasons, simply do not want to vote?
  (Ms Enticott) I would say that was really a generalisation, I think, because it depends what area of the population you are talking about; if you are talking, for example, about people with learning disabilities, we know that there are significant numbers of people with learning disabilities that do not vote, that is because there is a perception that they are incapable, or should not have the vote, which actually is not the case. So, without actually doing research into the point you are making, I would not like to generalise about that number of people.

  157. And, clearly, if anyone is prevented from voting because of their disability that is something which should not be tolerated, and I do not think the Committee is likely to disagree with that view. Are you satisfied that, in general, electoral administrators on the ground are becoming more aware of the difficulties that undoubtedly a good number of disabled people face in trying to vote?
  (Mr Thomas) Can I just answer that, to start with. I will introduce myself. I am Alun Thomas, I am RNIB's Parliamentary Officer. I chair RNIB's Committee on Access to Voting, I am also the author of Within Reason: Access to Services for Blind and Partially Sighted People, a report just published, and I also advised Paul Burstow MP on his Elections: Visually Impaired Voters Bill. We certainly do have evidence of improved awareness amongst electoral administrators and also we have evidence of improved Home Office guidance, improving the circumstances of individual blind and partially sighted people and other disabled people wishing to vote on the day. I am bound to say though that there is a distinction between the guidance that is provided generally and what happens at a local level; we still see that there are pockets of good practice but there is quite a bit of bad practice as well. I would also like to say, in relation to the evidence of people not voting, we certainly find that there are a million registerable blind and partially sighted people, two-thirds of whom are over the age of 75, and we are aware that only around a quarter of that population actually vote, which is substantially less, if we look at general elections, than would be the case for voters in general. We do think that it is very much a case of the perception of blind and partially sighted people that voting is impossible for them, particularly for older blind and partially sighted people, who have difficulty in getting out or who feel frightened by the environment—overhanging branches, uneven paving slabs, dangerous crossings and so on—and so this is a major factor for blind and partially sighted people.
  (Ms Pedler) Perhaps I can just add to that, that as far as Mind is concerned we have not had a great deal of contact with the electoral administrators, and I think that is probably because the main problem that we have requires a change to the law and so the electoral administrators think, well, there is not really much that can be done at their level without the Home Office involvement. But I think there is a specific disincentive as well, because Section 10 of the Representation of the People Act, which requires electoral registration officers to conduct a canvass of their area to identify people who should be on the register, does not apply to voluntary patients in mental hospitals, so it means that that group is sort of left out of any duty on behalf of electoral registration officers, and I think therefore they get overlooked at that level, and that is something we would like to see addressed.

  158. Are you satisfied that political parties, the main political parties, and indeed sitting MPs, and councillors, are doing enough to try to make the electoral registration officials aware of the problem; do you think there is continued pressure from the political class?
  (Ms Enticott) I would say, it varies, as in this subject altogether, it does vary. Before the 1997 election, we did some work with PPCs to raise awareness of the issue. Before 1992, in the first Polls Apart survey, there was some work done but it virtually never went to the extent of the problems. Unless people have actually been in touch with this as an issue or seen the reports or have awareness of the practical changes that could be quite easily made, I very much doubt that much is being done.

  159. Is that so?
  (Ms Enticott) Yes. I think all our experience—we work as a consortium, a large consortium, of disability and carers organisations who would back up the recommendations from the Polls Apart reports—is that provision is very, very patchy, so areas such as Cambridge, who did badly in 1992 in our survey, have now got an authority-wide policy to address the issue and they leapt up to the top of the league table that we did in the 1997 survey. Certain areas such as Waltham Forest, where they have an employee who is a disabled woman, have excellent practice right across the board, in terms of information sheets about registration, details of polling station accessibility, large print and minicom facilities for people to get in touch with the office and find out information about registration, absent voting, etc. But, as Alun said, there is still some very, very bad practice. In 1992, we had almost no examples of good practice given to us; in 1997, there were substantially, obviously, more, and they tended to be in areas that had been in touch with the campaign in some way or had had contact with local disability groups.


 
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