Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 320 - 339)

TUESDAY 16 JUNE 1998

MR JOHN TURNER, MR COLIN MARSHALL AND MR JOHN BAMBROOK MR DAVID MONKS AND MR ROGER MORRIS

  320. We have received evidence that the utilisation of that facility has been poor. Is that your experience?
  (Mr Turner) There is a physical problem here. Often the temporary ramps for which grants are available can be dangerous when used by able-bodied people. One must look at this in the round. Therefore, grants for permanent ramps to improve access to the building for all sections of society must be seen as the right way forward.

  321. Let us next consider assistance at the polling station. Do the present rules governing assistance at the polling station to disabled people and those suffering from a mental disability work satisfactorily in practice?
  (Mr Marshall) They work satisfactorily if the presiding officers are given the correct training and instructions from the returning officer. There is an increasing awareness of the needs of the disabled when they go to vote, even to the extent of the layout of the polling station so that natural light comes in to assist voters with visual impairment. Presiding officers are better trained as to how to look after disabled electors and what they require. There is a great variation up and down the country.

  322. Do you want to see any changes made to the existing rules?
  (Mr Monks) I do not think that the problem lies in the rules but the way in which returning officers talk to presiding officers. I always brief them before every election. If someone who is physically impaired has made a real effort to get to the polling station the last thing that I want the presiding officer to do is send him away. I become very grumpy and cross with people who do that. It is possible to make some ad hoc arrangements. For example, if the voter can get to the entrance door the ballot box can be taken to him or her. People must be grown up and sensible about it.

  323. But are they?
  (Mr Monks) Some are and some are not. We are trying to tell you about best practice in local government. I have to tell you that some of our colleagues do not pursue this line and perhaps do not show enough interest in it. It is up to us in local government to redress that.

  324. Are the existing rules an obstacle to what you feel you can do to enable a person to cast a vote? If so, what changes would you like to see?
  (Mr Monks) I would like to have greater discretion. We return to the carrot and stick, people copying good practice, greater education of presiding officers and the encouragement of people to be sensible about these matters.
  (Mr Morris) There are some theoretical limitations on the right of the returning officer to control directly what the presiding officer does. The law gives the presiding officer very much the formal lead role. In my authority recently we have experienced a resurgence of the practice of appointing polling agents as opposed to counting agents, that is, people who may lawfully be inside polling stations, whereas the normal practice has been to have tellers checking the cards outside. That has led to some presiding officers becoming somewhat apprehensive or perhaps rather over-correct about the procedures. We need a bit of commonsense and flexibility. Providing the law allows the returning officer to exercise more flexibility and give directions where they are needed there ought not to be a problem.

  325. But the law does not allow that at the moment?
  (Mr Morris) There is some limitation on that which most people get over by good sense and such authority as they can muster on the day.

  326. From what you say, obviously some electoral administrators are making big efforts to help the partially sighted to complete ballot papers. Should a consistent practical approach be adopted across the country?
  (Mr Monks) Northampton adopts the extremely clever method of folding ballot papers and also Braille templates. It would be misleading to say that that practice was widespread; it is not.
  (Mr Morris) I think that the question of folded ballot papers is an experimental possibility rather than a practical day-to-day necessity. Obviously, there is an issue as to the extent to which the rules can be modified, if what we are endeavouring to do is totake the current structure of the rules to its logical conclusion. That must be set against the background that the whole basket of rules must be reviewed. If one removes some of the Victorian background one automatically removes some of the restrictions which at the moment cause particular difficulty for the blind and partially sighted.

  327. One may have a blind or partially-sighted person who goes to a polling station and tells the presiding officer for whom he wishes to vote and asks that officer to fill in the form. Can that be one?
  (Mr Monks) Yes, that can be done.

  328. To that extent, the law is on the side of commonsense?
  (Mr Turner) Yes. However, RNIB argues that that immediately destroys the secrecy of the ballot. Therefore, the blind voter does not have the same human rights as other sighted voters. The mechanisms that have been put in place to try to help are designed to achieve a level playing field for people who are blind or visually impaired.

  329. A good number of blind or partially-sighted people are not able to use Braille?
  (Mr Monks) I agree.

Mr Winnick

  330. Do you accept that the recent court decisions on the situation in which people change their names deliberately to mislead the electorate have now resolved the position?
  (Mr Turner) No.

  331. The Home Office takes the view that such court decisions have resolved the problem?
  (Mr Turner) Each case will have to be dealt with on its merits as the law now stands. The returning officer will have to make a judgment one way or the other and, based on that decision, the aggrieved party, be it the other candidate or the person who has been rejected, will still have the right of appeal to the courts. One goes back to the court process and the timeliness of the action. Clearly, in the Hammersmith case following the last election the judge made it very clear that had the action been brought earlier he would have made one decision but as the statement of persons nominated had been published he reached the opposite decision. One comes back to every case coming before the court with all the expense and problem that that entails. As returning officers and administrators we are caught in the middle.

  332. Let us take the Conservative and Labour leaders. If someone changes his name to Blair or Hague will you accept the nomination when you know that the change of name has been done by deed poll purely for pretty obvious electoral reasons?
  (Mr Monks) I am just conjuring up the page in the book which gives me the answer to that. The book by Parker says that one should not accept that because it is a sham. If you wish, I can check the actual words and send them to the Clerk.[1]

  333. Should there be any problem for returning officers in implementing the provisions of the Registration of Political Parties Bill which will shortly become law?
  (Mr Monks) The society is concerned about the Bill. I shall not go through it blow by blow. Perhaps I may draw attention to just one part; namely, the rules in the schedule which state that the returning officer has the power to reject nomination papers which include a description likely to lead voters to associate the candidate with a registered political party. If ever I have seen words designed to lead to litigation I have not seen any clearer than those. Those words are also likely to increase the premium that returning officers pay for their insurance should they be taken to task in a petition following the declaration of an election result. Without wishing to be rude to party agents, those words will be read as "If you do not strike out the name that particular candidate is likely to take votes from the other candidate". Further, if one does strike out that name it will be said that the name does not mislead voters. What are the tests? We have put this matter informally to the Home Office. We are informed that the registrar is to bring out model precedents and perhaps some sample papers for us to look at, but the courts will not be bound by that. At the end of it, it is the returning officer who according to a fairly tight timescale must make those decisions. That is not tosuggest that we shy away from making difficult decisions. Mr Morris and I as chief executives do that every day. That is not the problem. All we say is that these proposed rules do not give us much of a chance. I can well understand the need to stop people standing as the "Literal Democrat" or "Conversative" candidate. I agree that that is misleading and can confuse the public, but these rules do not help us. A number of my colleagues are already asking me what they do if, say, someone stands as a New Labour, Old Labour, Independent Labour or Unofficial Labour candidate. How does one deal with it? I can foresee litigation and trouble ahead.
  (Mr Morris) I believe that the "Blair-Hague" point pales into insignificance in this context. Returning officers generally have very little discretion to reject nomination papers. The reasons for rejection open to returning officers are very limited indeed. There may be lots of cases where we know as a matter of fact that the circumstances are not what they seem but we are not empowered to reject papers because the law is very restricted. As Mr Monks has said, this opens up a whole new area of potential litigation. This issue is not about a particular decision but certainty. Some candidates who set off down the road very often do so because they wish to attract the publicity and be taken to court. They want to test the system to the limit and therefore provoke difficulties out of all proportion to the academic arguments about inadvertent confusion.

  334. Do you accept that the cases that you have quoted where candidates stand with the deliberate intention of misleading the electorate about their political affiliations justify the legislation that is now passing through the House of Commons?
  (Mr Morris) That is really not a matter for me. It is for Parliament to decide whether as a matter of broad public principle it wishes to see politically parties as commonly understood to be registered in some form. We are merely pointing out the practical implications of the way in which that principle may be applied to a given set of circumstances. We register some unease about how that may be operable by officials who may be placed in a great dilemma in the context that I have mentioned. I believe that that is quite separate from the issue of general statutory principles.

  335. Given that you anticipate these problems once registration is on the statute book and that the next general election is at least three years away, what do you intend to do—continue to consult the Home Office and have discussions amongst yourselves?
  (Mr Morris) We welcome guidance. We shall read our insurance policies with greater care than ever and make the best decision that we can on the day, as with the remainder of the legal apparatus.
  (Mr Turner) The next election may well be three years away, but these rules will apply also to local government elections. There one has a recipe for all sorts of strange things to happen. As a matter of principle, what the Bill does not do is stop a candidate from using a misleading description in anything other than his nomination paper. It would be quite open to the Mr Huggetts of this world to abide by the law in terms of his nomination paper but publish material up to the expenditure limit within the constituency describing himself as the Literal Democrat candidate.

Chairman

  336. He will not be able to put his name on the ballot paper, which is the key point?
  (Mr Turner) Indeed he will not. That may be a key point but it will not prevent him from campaigning in the constituency on a false or misleading description.

Mr Winnick

  337. I have not followed the Committee stage on this particular Bill. Has any attempt been made to try to amend it on the lines you have suggested?
  (Mr Turner) SOLACE and ourselves have made comments to the Home Office. Your Library has prepared a very useful briefing paper which draws attention to some of these technical matters.

Mr Linton

  338. I attended the first Standing Committee on the Registration of Political Parties Bill which lasted 10 minutes. One had not got to the stage of considering possible amendments. This Committee would find it helpful if you could explain precisely what you meant by your earlier comments. As I read the Bill, parties that have at least one MP will have a chance to register. Therefore, the Labour, Liberal Democrat and Conservative Parties will be registered and be subject to copyright, as it were. No one else will be able to use those names. The purpose of Schedule 2 is to capture the people who use similar sounding names, such as "Literal Democrat", "Conversatives" and so on. That would be set out clearly in the Bill. I do not understand why you are so anxious that people will be able to get through with names that are either the same as those of existing parties or are deliberately misleading.
  (Mr Monks) Those who seek to abuse the electoral system are very ingenious. If one works in Huntingdon, which has a very well known MP, there are 10 candidates who can be dealt with with varying degrees of difficulty. They see this as a challenge. With great respect, people like Lord Sutch are immensely knowledgeable about electoral procedure and can give very helpful advice. I must be very careful about what I say. Last time in Huntingdon a candidate stood on the basis of no policies and no manifesto and got votes in three figures. Such people are very interested in this kind of Bill. Further, it places a burden on the returning officer. As has been pointed out this morning, there are variations in the practices of returning officers. We are not all clones and proceed down the same route. There is a fair bet that something that I may strike out will be allowed by someone else.

Mr Winnick

  339. Since there appear to be differences of opinion, is there any possibility of your writing to us as soon as possible on this particular aspect? As I understand it, the Bill has just started its Committee stage. It may be that the Chairman will himself wish make contact in time for any possible amendment, but I should like to do so.
  (Mr Monks) Certainly.[2]


1  Note by witness: I have consulted "Parker" and would respectfully refer you to Section 12. Thus, there are cases demonstrating (though not fully reported) that the law has always treated sham documents and transactions as nullities. Accordingly, there would be sufficient basis for holding a nomination paper with the name of "Mickey Mouse of Disney Land" to be invalid on the grounds that the particulars were not as required by law (see Paragraph 12.56). Dependent upon the actual and precise circumstances, some Returning Officers may not agree with this view. Again in another unreported case (1983) a man submitted a nomination paper in which he gave his name as "Margaret Thatcher" in the same constituency as Mrs Thatcher, the then Prime Minister. He also gave an address resembling Downing Street. The Returning Officer rejected the nomination and was challenged in the courts. Parker records that the Court of Appeal declined to decide whether or not the Returning Officer was entitled to do this but did decline to grant remedies to the applicant on the grounds that the law should not aid a person seeking to confuse the electorate. These cases are not particularly clear but are quoted as the current authorities in the books. (Mr Turner) Section 115 makes it an offence materially to mislead the electorate. That section was used by the political parties in arguing the case last time. The difficulty is that if Mr Monks makes that decision the aggrieved party then has the right to take it back to court. That simply delays the whole process. I suppose that the logical conclusion is that the case goes on for ever until the House of Lords determines it. Neither returning officers nor the electorate wants to find themselves in such an unsatisfactory position. Back

2   Evidence not printed. Back


 
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