Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 380 - 399)

TUESDAY 23 JUNE 1998

MR DAVID GARDNER, MR MIKE PENN, THE RT HON THE LORD PARKINSON AND MR CHRIS RENNARD

  380. I take the point. I have not got the figures in front of me, but in 1974, with two very close elections, it does not quite hold up.
  (Lord Parkinson) That is the odd one out, but I think with two elections in a year people get pretty fed up. They do if they have an early by-election which they think is caused by unnecessary reasons. They do not turn out.

  381. I will not press you on that particular point. It is generally accepted, although I am not sure if it is a matter of political party controversy, that the amount of political education and, indeed, literacy, is not all that high in this country. Do you think more could be done, and would political parties encourage civic education in secondary schools and for students in higher education? Or do you think the danger would be political indoctrination?
  (Mr Gardner) I think there is a tremendous amount that could be done in this field. There are some electoral registration officers that have taken this in their hands and go out to schools pro-actively and positively—and sometimes go with the candidates of the parties as well. That needs to be encouraged. At the moment it is very much down to local initiative. The actual budget to encourage people to register is something (it is in the Home Office evidence) like £700,000 a year, which is negligible, and the budget at election time to inform people about postal voting is also quite small. There is no national budget to actually encourage education on voting. I know it is something that the Secretary of State for Education and Employment is very interested in promoting and I think there are some examples of good practice around—certainly there are many examples overseas of good practice. It is something that does need to be urgently addressed.

  382. When you say the Secretary of State is aware of this, is the Labour Party having an on-going dialogue—if that is the right description—with the Secretary of State to see what can be done in schools?
  (Mr Gardner) David Blunkett has got a civic education programme and he has, I think, established a task force on it. I am not sure of the details, but we are obviously liaising with him on it.

  383. Mr Rennard, would that be your wish?
  (Mr Rennard) Yes, we think there should be a civic education programme. I feel, really, we see the same attitudes towards it as we had when the school leaving age was 14 or 15 and the voting age was 21. There was such a large gap between leaving school and voting that there did not seem much point in it. I think if we are concerned about turnout, we are particularly concerned about the turnout of young people. Young people tend not to vote but older people still tend to, and I think that is a worrying sign for the future. If young people feel disengaged from the political process, they are less likely, I think, to respect the institutions and laws of the country than if they feel they are taking part in it and calling politicians to account. I think there is a very strong case for improving the quality of political and civic education in schools, and I am sure that can be done in such a way that you are not encouraging bias from teachers to pupils. I am sure that could be done in a satisfactory way and would educate people about the political process.

  384. Lord Parkinson?
  (Lord Parkinson) Yes, I think it might help. I could not help thinking (perhaps it is something to do with my age) that young people do get older and older people who are turning out in numbers are the young people who were not voting some years ago. I think people do value the vote more as they appreciate the consequences of it, but if you can, through the education system, bring home to people the importance of voting and the importance of taking part in a democratic process, I am all in favour of it. I think it would be marginally helpful but it would help.

  385. You are satisfied that can be done without any question of accusations being made about political indoctrination and all the rest?
  (Lord Parkinson) I think it could. I think teachers, in the main, are very responsible people and they educate people about the system rather than about their own political preferences. I am sure they would.

  386. The last question I put to you is, really, just a brief comment. Do you think it is undesirable that newspapers have stopped reporting the proceedings of Parliament—except for a sketch? Do you think it would help if more people—certainly readers of the serious newspapers—were able to know what is going on here?
  (Lord Parkinson) I was going to add—thank you for giving me the opportunity—that I think civic education and education in schools is like trying to—I cannot think of a suitable simile. Against the background of cynicism which is preached about politics and a lack of information about Parliament, and the BBC being told to find a slot where they can take it out of the mainstream and tuck it away somewhere, I think that is creating a river of disillusionment, and civic lessons would be a very fragile dam to try to erect in the face of that. I think it is going to be quite hard to counter disillusionment with the political process which is preached and a lack of information about the activities in the House by education in schools.

  Mr Winnick: You will be pleased to know, Lord Parkinson, when it comes to the way in which the BBC is treating Parliament there is all party agreement on that issue that it is quite disgraceful. The responsibility belongs to those who run the BBC and not the reporters who try and do their best here.

Chairman

  387. It does not belong to this Committee, either. Mr Gardner.
  (Mr Gardner) Just for the record, in relation to the last question, the DfEE Advisory Group on Teaching Democracy and Citizenship—which is the group I was referring to—publishes its report next month, and the speaker is on the Committee. I think we will see many of these ideas coming out of that group. Many councils, for example, have established young people's Parliaments, which go some small way, I think, towards trying to involve young people in the process. Of course, turnout among young voters at the last election was only 50 per cent, which is very worrying indeed. In relation to the media, I think the greater problem is with not the broadsheet media but the popular media. The academic evidence will show that readers of broadsheets have much more of a propensity to vote than the readers of tabloids. I think there is a responsibility on the publishers of tabloids and, also ,on our broadcasters—particularly local radio stations and regional television—to ensure that political affairs and Parliamentary affairs are covered in an attractive and relevant fashion for their viewers and listeners.

Mr Winnick

  388. Do you have a brief comment at all about the reporting of Parliament?
  (Mr Rennard) Yes, I think broadcasting is rather important than the broadsheet newspapers, as Mr Gardner was just saying. I do think that the particular way in which the BBC is moving in this direction may actually be quite healthy in terms of Internet access and those with Internet access, although that tends, of course, to be the young and more affluent. The fact that they are reducing the amount of time in major news programmes for Parliamentary coverage and, indeed, reducing the accessibility of programmes like "Today in Parliament" must have an effect in the long run on people's willingness to participate in the elections and to choose their representatives.

Ms Hughes

  389. Just to follow up on a couple of points, Chairman, within the overall objective of trying to increase participation rates, and given that some of the evidence we have had has differentiated, really, between different groups of people and demonstrated that in the overall rate there are much lower rates in certain groups of people—the lower socio-economic people, young people and ethnic minority groups, or geographical areas—how far would you think it would be legitimate to have a strategic approach which adopted particular measures to try and increase participation amongst certain groups where participation rates were particularly low? Do you have any suggestions as to those kind of measures? We have touched on young people and civic education, but what about people in deprived areas where participation is very low? What kind of measures could we introduce to excite them about Parliamentary and local election processes? What about people from ethnic minorities? Firstly, would it be legitimate and, secondly, what measures?
  (Lord Parkinson) I think we can all agree that the problem is a problem and there is low turnout, but I think it would be quite difficult for government to start pinpointing areas where it started trying to encourage a bigger turnout, because you would be open to the charge, for example, that in socially deprived areas it might occur to the Labour Party that they are likely to get a bigger vote than the Conservatives are. So you could be luring the government into—

  390. If I may interrupt, I am not talking about government but if there was an entreaty upon whoever assumed responsibility for, for instance, Registration Officers to increase their registration rate and participation rate, then they would have to make decisions strategically about where their efforts need to be targeted and how, for example.
  (Lord Parkinson) Yes, as I said, I think if you start identifying special socio-economic groups and saying "We are trying to get those people to vote in larger numbers you could be influencing the politically process politically. I think we must not under-estimate the role of the political parties in trying to encourage their likely supporters to turn out and vote. That is one of the main jobs of the party machine as is, to try and get the vote in the areas which support you.

  391. You do not think it would be legitimate?
  (Lord Parkinson) I would like to see more people participate but I can see the problem of any sort of statutory or elected body being charged with spending funds—which it would have to do—to encourage people in particular socio-economic groups to use their vote.

  392. Not particular socio-economic groups to use their vote but to adopt some strategies to increase registration and participation amongst groups where votes are particularly low. If we take people who are in the lower socio-economic groups, is that not also part of a wider responsibility, because we see those people represented more in terms of high unemployment and in poor health—in other words, in a kind of marginalisation from many processes in our society? Would it not, therefore, be legitimate to have an objective of increasing registration and participation amongst those groups particularly?
  (Lord Parkinson) Certainly I would be all in favour of registration. Anything that smacks of trying to press people to use their vote in certain areas would, I think, be interfering in the actual political process, which I do not think civil servants or local civil servants would wish to do. I would be very much in favour of trying to increase registration so that people have the right to vote, even if they do not use it.

  393. People from ethnic minority groups, where these rates are also very low?
  (Lord Parkinson) I would be enthusiastic about finding ways of involving people in the process. As we know, in certain areas there are suspicions that you are getting involved in some way with the government if you get on the register. People have reasons for not wanting to: some people do not want to do jury service so they do not want to register. But I would be in favour of getting the optimum number of people on the register and using measures to do that.

Chairman

  394. Do the other two witnesses want to respond briefly?
  (Mr Rennard) I would agree very much with the distinction between registration and participation in these respects. I think for a government to be spending government money trying to encourage particular groups, if they were to do so with the groups they chose to target, they could be open to accusations of partisan advantage. In relation to young people and ethnic minorities, it seems the work done by Rock the Vote at the last General Election is entirely legitimate for campaigning, but that must be done by non-governmental organisations to try and encourage participation rather than the government itself choosing potentially targeted audiences to their advantage. However, on the registration side, I mentioned earlier, in particular—and I was not referring to people who do not speak English at all but people for whom English is not their first language—that canvassers going round areas where a lot of people do not have English as their first language is, really, very important in terms of the compilation of the electoral register. Therefore I really think we should be doing everything possible to encourage the right to vote and to participate in elections, but it will be very difficult for the government to target areas or groups of people. So we must get those people to participate.
  (Mr Gardner) There is certainly a lot of evidence in relation to the success of targeting strategies on registration. If you look back particularly at the work of councils like Leeds, Liverpool and Plymouth in the late 1980s and early 1990s where they targeted under registered wards which tended to be inner city wards with some success, they quite significantly increased the levels of registration and that is built now into the code of practice that goes out to electoral registration officers and I think is accepted on a cross-party basis but not universally applied. The Conservatives in their evidence draw attention to the fact that the registration of Westminster, for example, is the lowest in the country. In terms of voting I think all councils, all local authorities should be under a duty to try to increase election turnouts in local elections. I think local government draws its legitimacy from the level of turnout and the turnouts therefore last month were particularly disappointing. I accept the reservations of my colleagues in relation to that needed to be done very much on a non-party, non-partisan basis « I think that is extremely important—but I think it is quite clear that there are measures that can be taken particularly in relation to promoting voting, all postal voting for instance, wider access to postal voting and just promoting people's choice that will have some beneficial impact.

Mr Linton

  395. I just wanted to establish more precisely the attitude of the opposition parties to the problem of low turnout. Can I take up Lord Parkinson on his comment that our turnout compares favourably. How does he reconcile that with the fact that, as I understand the latest figures, it is the second or third lowest in Europe with 12 million non-voters? Even if you take other elections in this country at 77 per cent you have still got countries in Europe that do not have compulsory voting that regularly achieve 88-89 per cent. Surely it is more than just one or two per cent?
  (Lord Parkinson) As I say, I think that the vote reflects the importance that people attach to the institution they are being asked to vote about. So with the same system you get 40 per cent in local elections and 77 per cent in national elections. People just do not feel that the local council matters as much to them as Westminster does and I think the vote reflects the fact that people in this country perhaps at the moment have been rather more disillusioned with Parliament. At the last election, as I say, our research suggests that a large number of Conservatives were the people that stayed away. I suspect in 1983 it was the opposite and a large number of Labour voters chose not to vote.

  396. I am asking you to compare these with other European countries.
  (Lord Parkinson) First of all, as you mentioned, there are a lot of European countries that do have compulsory voting and we compare reasonably I think with the others.

  397. Six million here or there.
  (Lord Parkinson) Yes, but people do not feel motivated to vote. We can improve the registration, we can do a whole range of things, but I do not think if we did it is going to take the level up to the level of some of the other countries.

  398. Can I just ask Mr Rennard specifically on the question of compulsory voting or compulsory balloting to give it its more accurate title. You say that you would be against a system that involved fines on people for not voting. What about a system that turns it completely the other way round and gives people a bonus if they do vote? For instance, £5 off the council tax if you have voted. It rewards people for positive action rather than punishing them for an omission.
  (Mr Rennard) That has not been actively considered and I need to consult back about our view on that but I think there is something rather attractive in the idea. Basically polling evidence suggests that people regard voting as an unpleasant civic chore, something they would rather not do, and if you gave them a reward for doing so and it did boost turnout I cannot see there would be any reasonable objection to that.
  (Lord Parkinson) It is to an extent bribing people with their own money!
  (Mr Rennard) The BBC guide to local elections this year did include an extensive comparison on voting at sub-national level between European countries and Great Britain and Great Britain was almost bottom of the list, very very different to other countries, the distinction partly being in a small number of countries compulsory voting but by and large being whether or not those countries had proportional representation or a majority system and where there was a system of proportional representation voter participation is very much higher. If you think voter participation is a good thing to encourage you will no doubt draw your own conclusions.

Mr Winnick

  399. You have got no party interest!
  (Lord Parkinson) May I just draw the conclusion that the high turnout we saw in East Germany with proportional representation means that 16 Nazis are now sitting in the lander. A lot of people who would not bother to vote in our elections because they are extremists and know their party is not going to get elected but think it is worthwhile in a proportional representation system.

  Chairman: We are not going down that road for the moment, interesting though it is. Mr Howarth next on ways of improving the accuracy of the register.


 
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