Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 540 - 559)

TUESDAY 7 JULY 1998

MR GEORGE HOWARTH, MRS GAY CATTO AND MR STEVE LIMPKIN

  540. But there is still a possibility of that discretion?
  (Mr Howarth) Always there has got to be some area of discretion in the way that people implement things. I think, the way the process has been drawn up, it eliminates, as far as you practically can, any scope for them exercising discretion in a way that helps to mislead the electorate. That is the overriding principle behind the legislation, that it prevents the use of misleading descriptions. And I think it would, frankly, any Returning Officer that used their discretion in that way to support somebody who was seeking to mislead the electorate would be in breach of the law and would run the risk, if the issue was taken to the courts, that it would be overturned. And I might say, Mr Malins—I am sorry I could not say it while he was here but I did not get the opportunity—said that courts could be costly and cumbersome, and so on, and, of course, that may be true, but the evidence is, in these sorts of cases, they do deal with them within the timescales laid down, and there was some evidence of that in the course of the last general election. So, hopefully, nobody would need recourse to the courts because we have cleared that system, in my view, the best way we can. But I cannot eliminate the possibility that someone might seek to mislead and it could end up in a court case.

  541. You stated earlier that somebody who called himself a Tory would also not be allowed to have that name go forward in the same way as a Conservative, other than the official Conservative. Are you stating then categorically to the Committee today that once the Registration for Political Parties Bill comes into law nobody would be allowed to describe himself, or herself, as a Liberal, as opposed to a Liberal Democrat?
  (Mr Howarth) I think there is a difficulty with that, in that there is a Liberal Democrat Party and there is a Liberal Party. The Liberal Democrat Party are represented in this House, the Liberal Party are represented in some local government areas but not in Parliament. We have debated this at some length in the Committee Stage of that Bill, and I do not know any way round that without discriminating against a pre-existing party, i.e. the Liberal Party.

  542. But just for the sake of the record, will you agree with me that the Liberal Democrats are the party that took over everything of the Social Democratic Party and the Liberal Party, and the organisation that now calls itself the Liberal Party has no historic connection with the Liberal Democrats?
  (Mr Howarth) I think you are in a far stronger position to put it on the record than I am. I would not claim to be an expert on the recent history of those who now make up the Liberal Democrat Party, whereas, obviously, you are in a much better position to interpret that history.

  543. Do you not think that the man and woman in the street may find it interesting that you are prepared to provide a double break for Her Majesty's Official Opposition by allowing two registered names, Tory and Conservative, but the Liberal Democrats are not to be given the same protection?
  (Mr Howarth) Let me just explain what I said, so that there is no room for misinterpretation. The starting-point of the legislation is about misleading descriptions, and what I said was that if the Conservative Party, as I am sure they will, choose to register then anybody who tries to use a misleading description that could be intended to mislead the electorate into believing that they were in some way the Conservative Party would be ruled out, and I use the example of the word Tory simply to illustrate the point. Any description that could be used by anybody to mislead the electorate into believing that they are the Conservative Party ought to be ruled out. I use the word Tory simply that it is still widely used as a description for the Conservative party, there is an historical basis to that, people do still refer to them as that, and anybody calling themselves the Tory candidate would arguably be trying to mislead the electorate. That is a separate issue from a pre-existing party which is called the Liberal Party, which does have some claim on the word Liberal. If you press me, I would guess that, organisationally, the Liberal Democratic Party is the inheritor of the old Liberal Party, but, unfortunately, from your point of view, it has gone through various phases since then, and I do not know whether you could claim exclusive rights to the word Liberal. The Conservative Party, nor, for that matter, the Labour Party, do not have that problem, in that there is no other party, that I am aware of, that can use that name, or does commonly use that name. My own party actually does have a competitor party, called the Socialist Labour Party, which is usually associated with Mr Arthur Scargill. My view is that because that is a pre-existing party and he has contested elections, although I am not aware that it actually has succeeded in any, but I do not believe we should be seeking to prevent them from standing under the title Socialist Labour Party, they are already there. But anybody who, for example, chose to call themselves, as some apparently did in the general election, in Hackney, New Labour, would, I think, be attempting to mislead the electorate; or anybody choosing to call themselves the Labour Party or some subtle variation on that would be attempting to mislead the electorate, and that would cause difficulties. So there is an exact parallel between actually the Liberal Democrats and the Labour Party.

  Mr Russell: Chairman, I will now move on to the misleading names of individuals, as opposed to parties. I think the question of the misleading parties aspect will be something which only in the fullness of time will we be able to see how it works out in practice. We acknowledge there is, so far anyway, only one Andrew Mackinlay, but over time there have been other people who have masqueraded as Roy Jenkins, Margaret Thatcher, and I believe other names as well.

  Mr Howarth: E Heath.

Mr Russell

  544. And E Heath, thank you. So the current law regards political parties as being able to take a case to seek an injunction, but, as has been pointed out, that can be very expensive, and also the shortage of time available to challenge in the courts a Returning Officer's decision to accept or reject a particular name. So, although it may be clear that courts can rule out a candidate's name if chosen for bogus reasons, is it not the case, as I have indicated there, that the process of going forward is expensive, and it can be difficult because of the time factor, and surely there ought to be an improved mechanism to stop this happening in the first place?
  (Mr Howarth) First of all, I think it is important to say that the Registration of Political Parties Bill does not deal with the issue of misleading candidates' names. As has rightly been said, Mr Chairman, I think, in most recent cases, if not all recent cases, the courts, where the matter has been taken to court, have ruled against such practices. Whatever the courts may or may not do in the future in these cases of using misleading candidates' names rather than parties, what I think we have provided is the protection (a) that anybody using a misleading name could not use a misleading party title, and, secondly, they would not be entitled to use the party logo or emblem. So, although somebody in my own constituency might choose to call themselves George Howarth at the next general election, what they could not call themselves is George Howarth, the Labour Party candidate and use the Labour Party logo on the ballot paper. So I think there is a protection there, and there is the added protection of the courts and the experience of the courts that I referred to a few moments earlier.

  545. Do you think there should be an automatic inclusion in a person's nomination that they had had that name for a certain number of years, other than on their marriage; would that rule out those who quite late in the proceedings decide to change their name?
  (Mr Howarth) It is very difficult. It is difficult to rule that out in every set of circumstances, and I think it would be unwise for me to speculate in what circumstances it would or would not be acceptable for somebody to change their name, there might be perfectly good reasons why somebody has changed their name, and I think it is best left to the courts to determine whether they have done that cynically or whether there might have been some perfectly valid reason for them to do so.

Mr Winnick

  546. I just wanted to clarify the position, Minister, regarding titles which candidates will be able to use at the next election. I take it that the purpose is not to monopolise the position for the parties represented in the House of Commons but to make sure, as far as is possible, that the electorate are not misled?
  (Mr Howarth) Yes, exactly, and, in fact, the vague principle behind it is to prevent the use of misleading descriptions. And the classic case that is always used was the Literal Democrat candidate in the last European elections in Devon, who polled, I think it was, 10,000 votes.

Mr Russell

  547. And the Liberal Party claimed they got 13,000, ahead of the Liberal Democrat.
  (Mr Howarth) Yes, indeed; well that is a separate issue. But as regards the use of the words Literal Democrat, in my view, it ought to have been considered to be a fairly cynical attempt to mislead the electorate, and I doubt whether there is a great political principle called Literal Democracy that would have attracted 10,000 votes in its own right, although I am loathe to speculate on political ideologies in this eminently practical discussion.

Mr Winnick

  548. There was a candidate in the Speaker's constituency, I believe, that called himself New Labour, but, for example, you gave one instance of Scargill's organisation, if it could be described as a party, but he would have a perfect right, as I understand it, under the proposed legislation, to have candidates under that name, as if indeed there continued to be an Independent Labour Party. The ILP, presumably, again, that would be perfectly in order, and the Liberal Party, as opposed to the Liberal Democrats, would have the right to describe themselves, as you say, as the Liberal Party?
  (Mr Howarth) There are some concerns we have about the use of the word Independent. It would depend on the circumstances. But certainly the Socialist Labour Party, which is a clearly distinct party, there is no doubt in my mind that they can continue to field candidates under that title as a result of this Bill.

  549. Or organisation.
  (Mr Howarth) I think it would be quite wrong, it is not because I have any particular support for them, it is simply that they are a party, they exist, and it would be quite wrong of anybody to try to outlaw them because there is a small scope for some confusion there. I might add that I had a Socialist Labour candidate stood against me in the last general election and he seemed to go to great lengths to distinguish the difference between he and I, so I do not think that was a particular problem.

  550. It must have been a very tight fight, Minister!
  (Mr Howarth) No, it was not.

Mr Cranston

  551. I had a Socialist Labour, but they chose a candidate with a surname beginning A, they took 2,000 votes, which was quite a considerable proportion. Have you got any thoughts of supplementing the symbol, by, for example, having circular ballot papers?
  (Mr Howarth) No.

  Chairman: Nice try. We are now going to go back to voting again, for the moment, having accommodated Mr Malins, who was suitably grateful, I am sure. Mr Howarth.

Mr Howarth

  552. Thank you very much, Chairman. The Minister and I have not actually been on the same ballot paper as one another, so we have not had to contend with that particular problem, although we do exchange each other's mail from time to time.
  (Mr Howarth) And very interesting it is.

  Mr Howarth: And that is entirely not reciprocated because I do not open the Minister's mail. A revealing admission from the Minister.

Mr Winnick

  553. Lady Thatcher presumably writes to you, Mr Howarth.
  (Mr Howarth) I might say, by way of amplification of that, anything that is addressed G Howarth causes some difficulties, I think, for both of us. I am very anxious that people should distinguish the name Gerald and the name George, although I accept Gerald is not a misleading description.

  Chairman: Can we proceed; enough of this nonsense.

Mr Howarth

  554. I think it makes the Committee's work just a little bit more interesting, Chairman. But can we move on to the question of making voting easier, dealing with practical issues such as the voting hours, absent voting, choices of polling station, and that sort of thing. Do you think that there ought to be more encouragement to people to vote by post or to vote by proxy, do you think there ought to be more publicity about the availability of that means of voting?
  (Mr Howarth) Yes. One of the areas that we want to consider is the whole process of absent voting of one kind or another, whether it is postal ballots, and so on. One of the things that we have to be careful about though is the integrity of the system and there have been some publicised cases where, for example, proxy voting has been misused, and so on. So we do need to look at that. The paper that was tabled at the Working Party by the Scottish Office and COSLA looked at the possibility of absent voting on demand, and we certainly believe that some extra work on that is necessary and we have recommended to the Home Secretary that that is the case. But I would like again to reiterate the point, we have got to get the balance right between making it easy, on the one hand, but not making it open to fraud, on the other.

  555. So you will be less in favour of having absent voting on demand, because, frankly, that seems to me where the risk is, that we move to a situation where there is absent voting on demand rather than the safeguards that currently exist? Are you concerned to ensure that those safeguards do continue and therefore you would rule out on principle the idea of making absent voting infinitely more widely available, just as a question of choice, really, to the electorate?
  (Mr Howarth) Let me put it this way. The overriding principle that we always have to pursue in these matters, and I think everybody would agree on that, is that we have to preserve the integrity of the system. Anything that undermines the integrity of the system, obviously, is unacceptable. But we can look at the practicalities of how absent voting works, are postal voting procedures too complex and do they confuse people; we believe that is worth looking at. Are the rules themselves surrounding absent vote applications too complex and do they deter voters; again, we want to look at the way those forms work, and I think it is important that we pursue that. Is the timetable to apply for an absent vote too short; we think it probably is, because, increasingly, these days, we go for short election campaigns, and before people realise that they need to do something about it the date has gone. So, again, I think there is some scope there for improvement. And there is a whole area of attestation requirements for those who have an indefinite absent vote on medical grounds, and there are concerns about, for example, GPs charging a fee to do so, and so on; all of those areas, I think, frankly, need to be looked at.

  556. Can we stick with that particular one, the question of GPs requiring a fee to provide their attestation of somebody's medical unfitness to vote in person. Do you think there ought to be a requirement on GPs that that is one of the functions that they should perform?
  (Mr Howarth) It is already.

  557. Free of charge, for a patient they should sign off?
  (Mr Howarth) My understanding, and if it is of any help to bring in amplification from officials, of it is, that is already the case.
  (Mr Limpkin) It is contrary to the terms of contract between the NHS and GPs to charge.

Mr Corbett

  558. In the National Health?
  (Mr Limpkin) Yes.

Mr Howarth

  559. So any elector who goes along to their doctor and says, "I'm too ill to go and vote in person and I'd like you to sign my form", and the doctor says, "That's fine, that'll be ten quid", the elector should say, "But you're not entitled to charge, you're required to do this as part of your contract"?
  (Mr Howarth) Yes; and I think they would have a good case then to raise that as an issue, either with the Returning Officer or through the local health arrangements that exist.


 
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