Memorandum from One World Action
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
1. The European Union, as the world's largest
donor and trade block, has the potential to take a leading role
in shaping a new approach to issues of global security and solidarity.
2. The debates and forthcoming negotiations
on future EU relations with the 70 African, Caribbean and Pacific
countries provide the EU with an excellent opportunity, in partnership
with the ACP states, to respond to these global challenges and
fulfil its commitments. The joint ACP/EU framework for political
dialogue is an unique forum for defining new strategies for long-term
sustainable and equitable economic, social and political development
and security.
3. The challenges of the late 20th century demand
that the European Union recognises the fostering of sustainable
economic and social development and the campaign against poverty
as its over-riding objectives.
4. The EU is committedin the Maastricht
Treaty, in its policy statements, in the international agreements
of the UN conferencesto poverty eradication, to fostering
sustainable economic and social development, to the smooth
and gradual integration of developing countries into the world
economy, to fostering democracy, the rule of law and respect for
human rights. The European Union agreed a comprehensive policy
on gender and development recognising that women and men should
both participate in and benefit from the development process on
an equal basis.
5. One World Action believes that what is needed
is a coherence strategy for promoting sustainable and equitable
development in the ACP countries with the allocation of adequate
resources (in principle within a budgetised European Development
Fund) and mechanisms for its implementation.
6. The new contract should aim to implement
the commitments made by both the EU and ACP governments to the
agreements made at the UN Conference at Rio, Vienna, Cairo, Copenhagen,
Beijing, Istanbul and Rome, and include action on debt.
7. This new contract would include EU-ACP partnership
in international fora, such as the WTO, the IFIs, the UN.
8. The contract would strengthen the structures
for dialogue: the ACP-EU Council and Joint Assembly, open up national
and regional structures for civil society participation, and dramatically
increase the transparency and accessibility of decision-making.
We argue for continuing to relate to the ACP as a group, while
recognising regional variations and the need for different instruments
to tackle different poverty needs. We believe the Lomé
trade terms should be extended to other Least Developed Countries.
9. Fundamental to the successes of this new
EU/ACP contract would be concrete action on the part of the EU
to put into practice its commitments on policy coherence (Article
130u of the Maastricht Treaty Article 130v states that the Community
"shall take account of [development co-operation] objectives
in the policies that is implements which are likely to affect
developing countries" and shall "ensure the consistency
of its external activities as a whole, that is, in external relations,
security, economic policies".
10. The new contract should take the achievement
of gender equality and equity as a fundamental principle in accordance
with EU policy.
11. In consultation with ACP governments, the
new EU/ACP contract should clarify and deepen EU/ACP co-operation
in the fields of democracy, human rights and development and fully
integrate measures to strengthen the governance and accountability
capacity of ACP governments.
Submission to International Development
Committee Inquiry on European Community AidThe Renegotiation
of the Lomé Convention
ONE WORLD ACTION
1. The world has changed since 1975. The end
of the Cold War transformed the European Union's domestic and
foreign agenda. The European Union is concerned, rightly, with
its near neighbours in eastern and central Europe, in the former
Soviet Union and around the Mediterranean. It is preoccupied too,
with its own enlargement and monetary union. However, alongside
these priorities, the EU has other important obligations and responsibilities.
2. In the past 20 years economic liberalisation
has flourished. The GATT IV Agreement and the establishment of
the World Trade Organisation, combined with the installation of
neo-liberal economic reform programmes at the national level have
paved the way for global free trade in finance, services and goods.
These changes bring new challenges and obligations.
3. One-fourth of the world's people live in
poverty, 70 per cent of whom are women. Inequalities are growing
within and between countries and within and between peoples. Although
much progress has been made, the debt crisis continues to be an
insurmountable barrier to sustainable development in many ACP
countries. The economic reform process underway in many ACP countries
has yet to ensure sustainable and equitable social and economic
development for the majority. Conflicts are escalating within
some countries with the consequent increase in the number of displaced
people and refugees. Respect for human rights is still qualified
and women's human rights, though enshrined in conventions and
international agreements, are seldom guaranteed in practice. In
addition, despite positive measures implemented at many levels,
degradation of our environment continues and sharp discrepancies
in the consumption and monopolisation of resources persist.
4. As a leading member of the international
community, the EU is wrestling too with issues of global governance.
The reform of the United Nations, long overdue, is slow in coming.
The accountability and transparency of the IFIs and the World
Trade Organisation are under review. On the international agenda,
too, are codes of conduct for transnational corporations and sale
of arms, and minimum labour standards.
5. Peoples' organisationshuman rights,
consumer, environment groups, trade unions and other social movementsare
concerned about poverty, inequality and unemployment, global insecurity,
and environmental degradation. They are dismayed about the lack
of genuine democracy and transparency in political decision-making
structures. They are aware of the essential interdependence of
our societiesnorth, south, east and west.
6. The need for global solidarity has never
been greater. The European Union, as the world's largest donor
and trade block, has the potential to take a leading role in shaping
a new approach to issues of global security and solidarity. It
has a progressive body of policy on development co-operation,
the campaign against poverty, gender equality and equal opportunities,
democracy, human rights, and social affairs. It has pioneered
the most important and comprehensive agreement with a group of
70 Africa, Caribbean and Pacific countries, the Lomé Convention.
Although the average EU aid budget of 0.38 per cent of GNP is
half the UN's recommended level, EU aid (Community and Member
States) at around US$31.45 billion (1995 figures) is almost half
of total ODA and is capable of making a substantial contribution
to world poverty eradication.
7. The Maastricht Treaty states that
European Community development co-operation shall foster: "the
sustainable economic and social development of the developing
countries", the campaign against poverty, the "smooth
and gradual integration" of developing countries into the
global economy, and shall contribute to the general objectives
of "developing and consolidating democracy and the rule of
law, and to that of respecting human rights and fundamental freedoms".
8. In December 1995, the European Union agreed
a comprehensive policy on gender and development, "Integrating
gender issues in European development co-operation" recognising
that women and men should both participate in and benefit from
the development process on an equal basis. The policy set out
general principles for gender-sensitive development co-operation
which were to guide all European development co-operation policy
and practice. It commits the European Union to mainstreaming gender
analysis in the conception, design, implementation, monitoring
and evaluation of all projects and programmes. It recognises that
special attention needs to be given to positive action to counter
major gender disparities.
9. The Revised Lomé IV Agreement, signed
in November 1995, following the Medium-Term Review, includes specific
references to democracy and good governance. Article 5 now links
development policy and practice to "the recognition and application
of democratic principles, the consolidation of the rule of law
and good governance". Good governance was recognised as a
"particular aim of co-operation operations".
10. The challenges of the late 20th century
demand that the European Union recognises the fostering of sustainable
economic and social development and the campaign against poverty
as its over-riding objectives. All other development co-operation
objectives, and all other areas of policy as they affect developing
countries (trade, agriculture, fisheries, monetary union, enlargement,
immigration, foreign affairs) should be judged by extent to which
they further these priority objectives.
11. Article 130v of the Maastrict Treaty
states that the Community "shall take account of [development
co-operation] objectives in the policies that is implements which
are likely to affect developing countries" and shall "ensure
the consistency of its external activities as a whole, that is,
in external relations, security, economic policies". The
December 1993 Council of Ministers Resolution, The fight against
poverty which recognised that "the objective of combating
poverty in the developing countries cannot be achieved without
improving the international environment and reducing the constraints,
in many instances decisive, that are imposed by economic relations
with the outside world on the effectiveness of national policies
to combat poverty".
12. It is time to act decisively on all of these
policy statements.
13. Furthermore, the European Union has committed
itself to the agreements reached at the recent United Nations
conferences on environment and development, human rights, population
and development, social development, women, habitat and food security.
These agreements, too, require significant action by the EU, as
well as by ACP governments and others.
14. The debates and forthcoming negotiations
on the future EU relations with the 70 African, Caribbean and
Pacific countries provide the EU with an excellent opportunity,
in partnership with the ACP states, to respond to current global
challenges and fulfil its commitments. The joint ACP/EU framework
for political dialogue is an unique forum for defining new strategies
for long-term sustainable and equitable economic, social and political
development and security.
15. One World Action welcomes the European Commission's
Green Paper on relations between the EU and the ACP countries
on the eve of the 21st century. We also welcome the accompanying
consultation process. The incorporation of civil society organisations
in the discussions on the future of EU ACP relations is very positive.
16. However, we have little confidence that
the strategies outlined in the Green Paper will deliver the EU's
stated objectives. On the contrary, we are confident, from the
evidence of the past 20 years, and particularly the experiences
of our partners in ACP countries, that the free market by itself
does not provide sustainable or equitable development in any country.
The majority of ACP countries cannot, at present, compete, and
survive, in the global economy. The global free market, as it
is currently structured, is exacerbating social, economic and
political exclusion. The private sector, though central and critical,
cannot thrive without a favourable policy environment; it cannot
deliver services to the majoritypublic investment is essential.
17. The Green Paper takes a step backwards on
gender and development issues. In its overview of global changes
affecting ACP/EU relations, past experience of ACP/EU co-operation,
there is no attempt to incorporate gender analysis. In its discussion
of limiting factors and potential for socio-economic change in
ACP states, there is no analysis of gender differences and disparities.
In its blueprint for future ACP/EU Relations, for a new partnership,
new approaches to EU co-operation and new practice in financial
and technical co-operation, similarly, there is no attempt to
integrate the general principles for gender sensitive development
co-operation. There are some references to women and women's role
in poverty reduction and socio-economic change. For the most part,
these reflect old-fashioned "women in development" thinking,
a much discredited strategy, and adopt a rather instrumental approach
to women's enormous contribution to the development process.
18. There is no explicit commitment, in the
Green Paper, to promoting and protecting women's rights through
European development co-operation policies and practice. Neither
is there a commitment, on the European Union's part, to implement
the agreements made at Vienna, Cairo, Copenhagen or Beijing.
19. In short, the Green Paper does not reflect
existing European Union policy on gender and development.
20. The Green Paper on future EU/ACP relations
published by the European Commission in late 1996 emphasised the
restoration or bolstering of the rule of law a basic precondition
for development and the reduction of inequality and poverty. It
makes the case that the EU is in a strong position to play a more
active role in fostering democracy, respect for human rights and
the rule of law. However, the Green Paper gives little indication
about what this more active role could entail.
21. One World Action believes that what is needed
is a coherence strategy for promoting sustainable and equitable
development in the ACP countries and the allocation of adequate
resources (in principle within a budgetised European Development
Fund) and mechanisms for its implementation. We would argue for
a new contract between the EU and the ACP countriesa contract
building on, and making real, the principles enshrined in the
Lomé Convention, namely mutual interest, mutual obligations,
equality between partners, policy dialogue, alongside respect
for human rights, democratic principles, consolidation of the
rule of law and good governance.
22. The new contract should aim to implement
the commitments made by both the EU and ACP governments to the
agreements made at the UN Conference at Rio, Vienna, Cairo, Copenhagen,
Beijing, Istanbul and Rome, and include action on debt.
23. This new contract would include EU-ACP partnership
in international fora, such as the WTO, the IFIs, the UN.
24. The contract would strengthen the structures
for dialogue: the ACP-EU Council and Joint Assembly, open up national
and regional structures for civil society participation, and dramatically
increase the transparency and accessibility of decision-making.
We argue for continuing to relate to the ACP as a group, while
recognising regional variations and the need for different instruments
to tackle different poverty needs.
25. We believe the Lomé trade terms should
be extended to other Least Developed Countries.
26. Fundamental to the success of this new EU/ACP
contract would be concrete action on the part of the EU to put
into practice its commitments on policy coherence (Article 130u
of the Maastricht Treaty).
27. This new contract must be designed to improve
dramatically on "the patchy achievements" of past and
current ACP-EU co-operation. A key issue here is adequate staffing
within the European Commission DG VIII and a shift towards programme
aid .
28. Within this new contract there are two areas
which One World Action believes require particular attention:
gender equality and equity; and democracy, human rights and governance.
29. The new contract should take the achievement
of gender equality and equity as a fundamental principle in accordance
with EU policy. Women are 70 per cent of the poorest 1.3 billion
people. Women are poor because they are disproportionately members
of the most marginalised social groups in developing countries,
but also because of the gender-based discrimination they experience
at every age and in every sphere and the inequality which characterised
existing relations between women and men.
30. There can be no sustainable or equitable
development unless discrimination against women is eliminated
and gender-based inequality and inequity removed.
31. A number of steps are essential in this
regard and should be central to future EU/ACP aid, trade and political
relations:
(a) gender analysis must be incorporated
into all future EU/ACP aid, trade and political relations;
(b) the new EU/ACP contract should aim to
encourage and support changes in attitudes, structures and mechanisms
at political, legal, community and household level in order to
reduce gender-based inequalities and promote political power sharing,
and equal access to, and control over, economic resources and
social development opportunities; and
(c) programmes of positive action to redress
the current bias against women are a necessary partner to mainstreaming
gender-analysis.
Specifically, support to the institution-building
of independent women's organisations is vital in order to ensure
that, as members of civil society, they can build their individual
and collective capacity to participate on a basis of parity with
men in all aspects of decision-making and can monitor respect
for human rights. Particular emphasis should be placed on channelling
resources to organisations and programmes which are working to
improve women's participation in political decision-making structures.
32. In consultation with ACP governments, the
new EU/ACP contract should clarify and deepen EU/ACP co-operation
in the fields of democracy, human rights and development and fully
integrate measures to strengthen the governance and accountability
capacity of ACP governments. A strategic approach to the democracy,
human rights, governance agenda would fully recognise the linkages
between this agenda and sustainable and equitable development
and take steps to integrate the principles of democracy, respect
for human rights and good governance into all areas of the new
contract between the EU and the ACP. Specifically, we would argue
for significant resources to be allocated towards strengthening
democratic culture at the local level, through support for local
governance, voter and citizenship education, training for local
leaders and decision-makers, support to trade unions, women's
organisations, and other civil society bodies.
Helen O'Connell
One World Action
5 September 1997
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