Select Committee on International Development Seventh Report


ACCESS AND RESOURCES

The civil war and the famine

21. The premise of the Secretary of State that the crisis in Sudan is a result of the civil war can be agreed with immediately and wholeheartedly not only by the Committee but by all who gave evidence to us. There was also agreement that the fighting in Bahr el Ghazal in early 1998 and consequent flight ban by the Sudanese Government had made an already desperate situation significantly worse.

Flight approval

22. There is a larger problem with flight approvals which goes beyond the question of the recent ban by the Government of Sudan. Even with the removal of the ban, as Mrs Kelly explained to us, "each additional flight demands agreement, that is the problem".[36] Ms Staunton told us (on 24 June) that two further Hercules aircraft had been requested , "On 5 June both sides were asked for clearance and we are still waiting for that".[37] The Ambassador of the Republic of Sudan, HE Mr Omer Bireedo, said that the Government of Sudan was "prepared to provide for any flight that the United Nations and OLS may wish to ask for".[38] Dr Al Haj thought that it only took between 24 and 48 hours to grant approval[39] and Mr Bireedo emphasised that the system of approvals was one agreed with OLS.[40] Mr Bakk also assured the Committee that approval was given for flights the same day.[41]

23. There seems to be some discrepancy between the theory of flight approval espoused by the representatives of the Sudanese Government and the SPLA and the reality as encountered by the NGOs. Mr Bireedo did express a willingness to discuss a change to the system should that be desired.[42] It might be possible, particularly given the current ceasefire, to agree a system in which the Government of Sudan and the SPLA are simply notified a given number of days in advance of all proposed flights in a certain period. Approval would be assumed and it would be for one or other side to object. We recommend that the Government urge OLS, the Government of Sudan and the SPLA to explore the possibilities for a speeding up of the flight approval system. This is a key test of the willingness of those in conflict to consider the welfare of their people.

Road, Rail and River

24. Clare Short argued that one immediate advantage of a ceasefire would be the ability to transport supplies into needy areas by road, rail and river. Such transport would be significantly cheaper than reliance on air. Furthermore, air transport was inadequate to bring in the necessary volumes of food. Ms Staunton said, however, that if the 5 June request for permission for further flights was approved "the World Food Programme think they can meet the need and drop the food".[43] There appears to be some difference as to how adequate expanded air transport would be to meet the needs of southern Sudan. Given the seriousness of the current famine, this argument is, perhaps, an academic one. It is obvious that as much food as possible must be brought in by as many means as possible.

25. Some roads have, however, become impassable in the rainy season and will no doubt further deteriorate during this period.[44] The Government is exploring with the WFP the possibility of the temporary rebuilding of road surfaces and the provision of a dedicated trucking fleet.[45] Other alternatives to air are rail and river. Dr Ali Al Haj told us that the main problem with rail transport was security, "there is a need for an agreement between the SPLA and the Sudan Government that that train is not obstructed".[46] River transport was even cheaper and the problems for security were less. Mr Bireedo said that any OLS proposal to use rail or river required the approval of the donor countries which in many cases was not forthcoming. He thought that "the donor community must be encouraged to use those less expensive facilities".[47]

26. Ms Staunton said that the railway from Khartoum to Wau was currently used only for military purposes and travelled at a walking pace. She added, "it is accompanied by militia who then clear and raid on either side of the railway line. Many of the allegations of human rights abuses relate to that".[48] Dr Al Haj admitted that there had been attacks on local villagers by the militia guarding the train, in reprisal, he claimed, to actions of the SPLA.[49] The memorandum from DEC also pointed out that the train was extremely unreliable and even with the use of rail there would still need to be onward distribution from the stations. A similar constraint applied to river barges.[50]

27. It is clear that the use of road, rail and river will allow more supplies to enter southern Sudan. We welcome the increased opportunity for use afforded by the ceasefire and trust that it is fully exploited by donors. We recommend that appropriate care is taken to ensure not only adequate security but also strict adherence to humanitarian principles amongst all those involved in such transportation. It appears, however, that air drops will remain essential to get food to the hundreds of inaccessible areas in southern Sudan.[51] There have been a number of references in evidence to the high costs of air transportation. We recommend that there be urgent examination of whether these costs could be reduced.

Resources

28. Clare Short told the Committee that it was access, not resources, which was the problem in Sudan. There is no disagreement with her conviction that access is a serious problem exacerbated by the civil war, and that the conflict itself has been the major cause of the famine now devastating the country. This does not, of course, preclude there also being difficulties in raising the necessary funds.

29. So confident is the Secretary of State in her analysis, we found it strange that neither she nor her colleagues knew whether there had ever been an occasion when there was spare transport capacity but no food supplies to send.[52] We have yet to receive a clear answer to this question although the supplementary memorandum from DFID did say that in May "Poor weather conditions and lead time necessary for hiring, training and positioning of additional Food Monitors ... further hampered air operations resulting in actual deliveries reaching only 3,800 Mts in May against the 6,500 Mts targeted".[53]

30. The Secretary of State also told the Committee in evidence that "we had a problem with the World Food Programme's estimates of need, which were too low. So we went through a little phase where they were saying we now have enough flights and we now have enough food and our official went there and said "That is not true".[54] This raises the important issue of the changing assessment of the extent of the needs in Sudan. Judgement as to whether resources are adequate depends crucially on an accurate assessment of need.

31. An examination of the chronology included above reveals this changing assessment of need. In late 1997 the OLS assessment said that about 250,000 people in Bahr el Ghazal would need food and non-food support in 1998. The situation was seriously worsened by the fighting around Wau in January 1998 which displaced about 100,000 people and resulted in an increased estimate of 350,000 in need. The UN Consolidated Appeal for Bahr el Ghazal in February estimated those in need in Bahr el Ghazal at 485,000. The WFP estimate in early May of 350,000 in need was revised upwards by the end of the month to 595,000 and in June the WFP published new figures indicating more than 1.2 million were in need in southern Sudan. By the time we took evidence at the end of June the UK Committee for UNICEF were telling us that in total 2.5 million people in Sudan were at risk of famine.[55]

32. Mrs Kelly explained the changing WFP estimates, "As new areas open up undoubtedly they will find more people. That has been the pattern all through May. When you get access you find you have got a bigger problem".[56] The consequence of such underestimates was that the basic food distribution strategy of the WFP was initially inadequate, with too few distribution centres and standards arbitrarily lowered for therapeutic feeding in order to conserve supplies. In one area of Bahr el Ghazal therapeutic feeding was being provided for children below 60 per cent weight for height (the accepted OLS standard is 70 per cent). The consequence was that severely malnourished children were fed UNIMIX inappropriately and a number died.

33. It is hard to unravel the system of communication over the situation in Sudan. Dr Al Haj told us that as early as May 1997 the Government of Sudan was warning of severe famine in certain areas.[57] In late 1997 OLS was warning in its Annual Needs Assessment for 1998 that "the only way to prevent the onset of the scale of humanitarian disaster that spawned the creation of OLS in 1989 is to increase urgently the levels of relief assistance so that OLS is able to respond rapidly to life-threatening emergencies in southern Sudan".[58] It also stated "Increased military conflict is predicted by many in the early part of 1998, leading to displacement of large civilian populations escaping conflict".[59] Ms Staunton told us that OLS were warning of famine in October/November 1997.[60]

34. Despite the clear statement quoted from the Annual Needs Assessment there does not appear to have been any concerted international action in 1997 in response to this warning. Mr Day admitted that the Assessment "was not ringing the big famine bell effectively".[61] DFID admits to receiving the draft UN Appeal in December 1997 but no warning of severe famine before that date. Given the claim of a monthly biefing in October/November there is, as Ms Staunton put it, "certainly a lesson there".[62] In such circumstances even a month of failed communication can be time crucially lost. It was only in May that DFID decided to send an official to Sudan and no longer rely solely on the reports of WFP.

35. We recommend that there be consideration by the OLS, donor governments and agencies of how to improve communication on the needs of Sudan. In particular there should be a review of how promptly interested parties see assessments of future needs; what mechanisms there are for response to the assessment (beyond waiting for the publication of the UN Appeal); and whether OLS did enough in late 1997 to alert the international community to the prospect of a significant deterioration of the situation in southern Sudan. We are very aware of the considerable and pressing demands currently placed on OLS staff. We do, however, recommend that at the earliest opportunity a review take place of all the events surrounding the current crisis and that this review be published.

36. We also recommend that the United Kingdom Government reassess its own lines of communication. Our impression is that the Embassy in Khartoum and High Commission in Nairobi could do more to gather information and alert Whitehall to the changing situation on the ground. We consider that DFID could have done more in late 1997 and early 1998 to respond to OLS warnings, relying less on the usual OLS/WFP processes.

37. In insisting that there was no problem of resources for Sudan, Clare Short made on a number of occasions the point that the United Kingdom had given generously and would do so again as further funds were needed. The United Kingdom Government was the first to respond to the 1998 UN Appeal and had pledged by the end of June £25 million.[63] She was confident that other governments would also continue to provide funds. At the time we took evidence from the DEC and the UK Committee for UNICEF the overall UN budget for Sudan was 48 per cent "covered" (that is, pledged). The southern sector was 54.8 per cent funded.[64] We have quoted earlier the statement in the 1998 UN appeal that the previous year's appeal received only 30 per cent of the funds requested. Similarly, UNICEF's programmes received only 42 per cent of the requested funding in 1997.[65] The decision on whether to launch an emergency appeal has to be seen in this context.

38. When we asked Mr Day and Mr Bryer from the DEC whether they were confident that donor governments were going to provide all the money necessary for Sudan they immediately and simultaneously said "No".[66] Clare Short has asked the agencies to come into her Department and talk about the possibility of all funding for humanitarian crises coming from governments. Putting aside the merits of this as a long-term strategy, we sympathise with NGOs unwilling to assume this will happen in the case of Sudan. After all, such discussions at 94 Victoria Street have yet to take place. Moreover, the recent past demonstrates a decline in the funding of UN appeals from donor governments. There is as yet little reason for the NGOs to assume that the position will suddenly be reversed.

39. Much of the confusion in the discussion of resources relates to the different timescales used in discussion. When Clare Short said that there was enough money she was speaking of immediate needs and of the willingness of the United Kingdom Government to provide more money should that prove necessary. When the NGOs made clear that more money was needed they were making the point that at the time of evidence the 1998 UN appeal was only 48 per cent funded. The memorandum from the UK Committee for UNICEF rightly concluded, "The situation in Sudan has been fast moving. Statements such as 'we have resources' or 'access is the best that we have ever had' are relative and relate to a humanitarian and political situation that is rapidly moving. Definition of words such as famine and resources are often very different".[67] Given the need for significant assistance to Sudan over many future months, the continuing uncertainty as to the extent of the famine, and the remaining amount necessary to meet the UN appeal, we consider it to have been premature of the Secretary of State to announce in such bald terms that there was no lack of money or resources for Sudan.

40. We must also address Clare Short's claim that the DEC launched its appeal so as to catch up with the UK Committee for UNICEF in their competition for funds. DEC denied that UNICEF advertising had put pressure on them to launch an appeal. On 27 April, the day that the UK Committee for UNICEF decided to launch an appeal, the DEC Executive Committee agreed unanimously not to do so, but "By 12 May agencies agreed the situation had changed - flight access was real, the general information picture was clearer. WFP's food stocks seemed worse than had been thought. OLS was only 20 per cent funded, holes were identified in WFP's logistics, new needs were confirmed".[68] DFID has itself stated that during May there was a significant reassessment of the scale of needs in Sudan. This seems reason enough for the DEC to change its mind.


36   Q. 17 Back

37   Q. 81 Back

38   Q. 145 Back

39   Q. 161 Back

40   Q. 159 Back

41   Q. 229 Back

42   Q. 160 Back

43   Q. 84 Back

44   Q. 201 Back

45   Q. 43 Back

46   Q. 175 Back

47   Q. 175 Back

48   Q. 79 Back

49   QQ. 182-183 Back

50   Evidence p.42 Back

51   Evidence p.42 Back

52   Evidence p.12 Back

53   Evidence p.20 Back

54   Q. 28 Back

55   Q. 86 Back

56  Q. 12 Back

57   Q. 187 Back

58   OLS Annual Needs Assessment November 1997 p.6 Back

59   OLS Annual Needs Assessment November 1997 p.6 Back

60   Q. 113 Back

61   Q. 114 Back

62   Q. 113 Back

63  Evidence p. 4. Back

64   Q. 93 Back

65   Evidence p.53 Back

66   Q. 138 Back

67   Evidence p.56 Back

68   Evidence p.42 Back


 
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Prepared 7 August 1998