CONTENT
OF THE
REPORT
Definition of Poverty and Social Exclusion
42. The report adopts broad notions of both
poverty and social exclusion. On poverty, while the numbers of
people below a given level of income remains a central reference
point, other contributory factor are examined, including the duration
of time on low income and the frequency of such spells. In an
era of much increased income and job flexibility, this approach
seems more helpful than the more traditional focus on those deemed
to be "in poverty" as a result of having a low income
at some point in time.
43. "Social exclusion", understood
as much diminished access to the means necessary to participate
in society, is also seen broadly, ranging from inadequate education
and poor health to fear of crime. For those of working age, lack
of paid work is a major component of social exclusion, but it
is not synonymous with it. The causes of social exclusion may
lie in the performance of many social institutions, from the labour
market to the family and may be measured by the extent of unequal
or unsatisfactory outcomes produced there.
44. In many areas, poverty (a lack of resources)
and social exclusion (a lack of access or normal opportunity to
participate) overlap. Some of the most important indicators occur
at this meeting point, for example in forms of ill-health, where
data shows a strong relationship between the incidence of ill-health
and low income. In these cases, the report is concerned with the
extent to which those on lower incomes are more likely to suffer
these linked disadvantages.
The Need for a Narrative
45. Fifty key indicators is a very small number
with which to represent the essentials of poverty and social exclusion.
A figure like this, though, seems quite as large as a non-specialist
audience can reasonably be asked to digest. One requirement is
that the key indicators should, as far as possible, reflect wider
conditions. An example of this is the incidence of respiratory
disease among children. This is obviously important in its own
right but it is also a measure of more general living conditions,
both within the home and the external environment.
46. Even so, the wider significance and content
can only be made clear by embedding the indicators within a narrative
which "tells a story" about poverty and social exclusion
in Britain, using the indicators as the principal but not the
only source of evidence.
47. We have chosen to structure the report into
chapters which divide the population by age group: children, young
adults up to age 25, adults between 25 and pensionable age; adults
of pensionable age. These are topped and tailed by a chapter on
income, which we find needs to be treated as a whole, and a concluding
chapter on communities, which allows us to treat the very important
geographical and spatial aspects of poverty and social exclusion.
48. While tracking progress over time will be
the report's main purpose, it will also show the geographical
variation of poverty and social exclusion, providing a sense of
how different areas compare both on an absolute level and in terms
of rates of improvement. It will also include international comparators,
which place the British situation in context.
Choice of Indicators
49. Each chapter is arranged around a number
of subject themes. Ultimately, we believe that the success of
the report is providing an accurate reflection of poverty and
social exclusion depends on how far these themes capture the most
important elements of disadvantage for people.
50. While a wide range of data can be used in
the more detailed analysis and commentary, with such data varying
from one report to another depending on the issues being assessed,
we believe that it is important that the same clearly defined
and regularly produced numbers are used each time to get an overall
"headline feel" as to the direction that things are
moving. The current list of indicators is given in table 2.
