Select Committee on Social Security Minutes of Evidence


Examination of witness (Questions 20 - 39)

WEDNESDAY 17 JUNE 1998

MR MARTIN TAYLOR

  20.  What would you estimate to be the impact of the administrative burden on the employer, especially the smaller employer who does not have a big personnel department, of all your changes? I should think it is still up in terms of volume and workload?
  (Mr Taylor)  Not necessarily. It really would depend. Certainly if you get down to a four or five employee business, it would depend what they were. If they were all paid at a high enough level so that the national insurance changes were not particularly helpful, yet they were all in receipt of WFTC, no doubt there would be some more work for the employer, but not a great deal. I would imagine that that would be a pretty unusual case.

  21.  Would that not act as a depressant on their wages?
  (Mr Taylor)  This is something that was discussed quite a lot: the concern that the employer, knowing somebody was on WFTC, could use that to push wages down. I would say two things about that. First of all, although they do not know in the same way today that someone is on Family Credit, I think an employer who is unscrupulous enough to behave in that way could jolly well find out, or will have a pretty good chance of modelling it. The second thing to say is that I think that that is one of the reasons why you need a minimum wage if you are going to bring in WFTC—I mean to prevent that being pushed too far. There is some competition in the labour market and people can move. I would be surprised if that was very widespread.

  22.  What about the cash flow implications for small businesses of what is being proposed?
  (Mr Taylor)  I believe the Revenue is at the moment doing some consultation on this matter. We have had the full implications pointed out to us that are both favourable and unfavourable to businesses. You can argue that, under some scenarios, employers in certain places would be lending money cheaply to the Crown. There are also a number of potential cases where a very small employer would have to be put in funds by the Crown effectively because they would be paying no tax and national insurance at all. One of the problems in the States has been that some unscrupulous small employers have taken money from the government and run off with it. I think that cuts both ways. What can be said with some certainty is that some of the timing rules and some of the payment rules need looking at in the light of the new circumstances. We have the payment rules we have at the moment because we have the system we have. As the system changes, the payment rules will change. The Revenue are well into this and on top of it.

  23.  It seems to me a system that could end up with quite a lot of money just being stolen and then for other employers who are more scrupulous, some of the smallest employers, they are very valuable because they do soak up the bulk of employment in the country. Is this entirely satisfactory?
  (Mr Taylor)  People do have a genius for looking on the dark side of these things.

  24.  We have to defend it. That is why.
  (Mr Taylor)  If you describe a world in which a third of employers are lending money to the government for nothing, a third of them are stealing money from the government and a third of them are depressing wages because they can now see through their employees' circumstances, I think you paint an exceptionally black picture. Even given the US experience with a much more rough and ready system than we shall have, that has not been the case. If I may, I would like to draw attention to something which I think I said last time I was here about the desirability of the Working Families Tax Credit in general. We were very moved by, as anyone who looks at it cannot help be, the potential problems thrown up by the change. The question which was much discussed around this table when I was last here was why bother. I said then—and I would just like to put on record again now—that I do not think it would be worth changing if all you were doing was changing the delivery mechanism of family credit in a stable universe. It is not worth going through this change for a £2 billion-odd benefit. It is worth going through the change because in the first stage you see the welfare to work programme creating more jobs at the level that will attract this. Eventually, this could be used as a delivery mechanism for other benefits too. You can imagine it going further. I think if you did not see it going further—this was certainly my advice to the Chancellor—over time eventually it probably was not worth it, not just for this but to go very much further.

  25.  Based on the psychological and behavioural considerations, what about the incentives to employers to give people part time jobs?
  (Mr Taylor)  I think the national insurance changes will be a major incentive for people to give part time jobs that are a little less part time than they are at the moment. One of the things we do know for certain—this is not anecdotal—just because of the huge bunching of work below the LEL, is that there are an awful lot of people working more part time than they would like to and probably more part time than their employers would prefer. I say with the greatest confidence that there will be more work done in the country and more national output created as a result of that change. I am not concerned about that.

  26.  You are not concerned that it might create more part time jobs rather than full time jobs and therefore they become a burden to the state when they could have been paid by the employer?
  (Mr Taylor)  You mean people deliberately restricting their working hours in order to pick up benefit? Is that different from the situation that there would be under Family Credit? I do not think there is any difference.

Mr Pond:  There is an incentive to create part time rather than full time jobs.

Miss Kirkbride:   The IoD are perhaps more competent to express these things and part time staff will be likely to become more attractive, they say.

Mrs Hewitt

  27.  There is an incentive in the present situation which I think your changes do not completely remove. If an employer employs somebody for 40 hours a week, they will pay more employers' contributions on those wages than if they employ two people for 20 hours a week each, because two people at 20 hours a week each are getting the benefit of the lower rate on part of the earnings, as it were. Your situation will, if anything, slightly sharpen that incentive. You can take the view that this is a very bad thing and it is cheating the Revenue of income; you can take the view that two people employed, albeit for 20 hours each, is better than one person employed for 40 hours a week.
  (Mr Taylor)  Or certainly no worse. I do not share the view that part time work is in some way disreputable. It is very difficult to design a tax system or indeed a benefit system which does not have distortions built in around the edges. Wherever you have a cut-off, you are encouraging some behaviour. I think you should do your best to minimise that. That, by the way, was why we suggested that they should increase national insurance on the self-employed because there is a distortion. I work for a large employer which spent, like a lot of others, a lot of the 1980s trying to get rid of part time work, regarding it as in some way abhorrent. It is perfectly clear that a very large number of our employees, particularly women and particularly women with young families, actually prefer part time work and regard part time work as an alternative to not being in the work place at all, very often. I just think we should give them every opportunity we can and let 100 flowers bloom.

Miss Kirkbride

  28.  We are very grateful for the Labour Party finally recognising the value of part time work in a way that they did not for many years during our administration. You were very coy when you came last time on the minimum wage. We now have the Low Paid Commission's recommendations and I would be very interested in your views on the level that they have been set at and how you think they will be competitive with your reform, including those people who will be on the minimum wage.
  (Mr Taylor)  They look to me both unsurprising and quite sensible. I am worried about the young. I am worried about the effect on youth unemployment of banging the £3.20 in fully and quickly. That is not a considered view, I have to say, because I have not studied the numbers properly, but one of the things that is very clear in the application of the minimum wage on the continent, admittedly at a higher level, is that the effect on youth unemployment has been very severe. I would be much more worried about that.

  29.  You hope the Chancellor will win this battle in Cabinet?
  (Mr Taylor)  If there is a battle in Cabinet and if what I read in the newspapers is true, yes.

Mrs Hewitt

  30.  Can I just pick up on this issue of how the system might work in practice from the point of view of both the employer and the employee, thinking of small companies? Having at various stages been an employer of just one or two people myself, I am very conscious that under the present system, as an employer, you have something misnamed as a simplified deductions table. You look at it and starting at one pound a week it says to you if you are paying X pounds a week then you deduct Y pounds national insurance, Z pounds income tax and then possibly you add SMP or SSP etc. You work out the numbers and it is quite a complicated and irritating system. That is what is happening now for the employer. For the employee on Family Credit, there is a separate calculation by the Benefits Agency based on several weeks' evidence of employment and earning. They calculate Family Credit. That is paid separately and it remains unchanged for six months. Which would you recommend? Do you envisage the Working Families Tax Credit being calculated once and then added to the earnings by the employer, regardless of any variations through, say, the subsequent six month period; or do you envisage in effect a change to the tax code so that simplified tables in future would say, "If X, add Y", so that you could cope, week by week, with variations in earnings?
  (Mr Taylor)  I think it would be better from the employers' point of view that the thing should run through the tax code, which would also allow the present cumulative principle to apply. It depends on what is practicable and possible for the Inland Revenue. Something which I did not know when I went into all this but I learned during it and I found it quite heartening was that the Inland Revenue appears to be getting into the software business and is developing software for small businesses to use. Almost any business which employs any number of people nowadays will have to concede and there is no reason why quite complex tax changes in the future and quite complex benefit changes cannot be handled quite simply because the software will do the job of the tables. I would certainly see it going that way.

  31.  Can I pick up on your reference to "cumulative"? At the moment, as I understand it, take somebody who works for the first six months of the income tax year on wages that are significantly above Family Credit eligibility. Then demand drops. They lose their overtime. Maybe they even go from 40 hours to 30 hours a week or something of that kind. Earnings fall and they get into Family Credit eligibility. We have a lot of empirical evidence that for couples Family Credit is really important at that point because, on the basis of the reduced earnings, the earner claims Family Credit and effectively can then stay in that job, even though the earnings have fallen.
  (Mr Taylor)  Based on the lower weekly earnings, rather than on the fact that they got a higher total over the year?

  32.  Precisely. When you talk about "cumulative", does that suggest that the earnings you have had in the first six months of the tax year might affect the eligibility and that would then be calculated over a longer period than simply looking at what is happening week by week?
  (Mr Taylor)  It should not necessarily. It was more the other way round that I was concerned about. It depends on how the rules have been drawn up. The rules seem to me at the moment to be drawn up partly for administrative convenience and what is practical. How frequently can you actually review these things? You cannot do it weekly; it is three monthly or six monthly. Also, partly for what most sensibly impacts the lives of those affected. I certainly agree that the point about the welfare state in general is that the help that is required by people should come quickly and with the minimum of hassle. It would certainly be offensive to that principle if the cumulative principle worked in the way that you describe. That would not be my intention.

  33.  That is very helpful. If it works like a PAYE code, the intention, assuming this is practical, would be that just as tax deductions go up and down as earnings fluctuate weekly or monthly, so the tax credit would go up or down as earnings fluctuate weekly or monthly. Is that what you are suggesting ought to happen, if it is practical?
  (Mr Taylor)  I do not see why that should not happen. At the moment, the setting of the credit is not done for any reason apart from the fact that it is administratively inconvenient to revisit it more frequently. We looked at the tax credit quite carefully and we decided that the best thing to do at the beginning was to model it on Family Credit as closely as possible because Family Credit is there. It has the advantage of existing. I think it is a good benefit, by the way. To take a design that we know works and translate that seems to me a good place to start, but I do not believe that you should be prevented by that principle from adapting it as time goes on to the circumstances of payment through the pay packet, which is different in all sorts of ways.

  34.  Do you envisage that, where somebody is doing, say, two jobs that add up to more than 16 hours—somebody is doing one job of ten hours a week and one job of 12 hours a week—they are going to be eligible for Working Families Tax Credit?
  (Mr Taylor)  I do not know what the result is at the moment. I would have thought it would be a question of the total hours they were working would have to be over 16 for Family Credit to bite and that it would be a function of the total sum they earned. I am afraid that most people who are in the position you describe are declaring one lot and not declaring the other lot.

Mr Gibb

  35.  The Working Families Tax Credit, when combined with the Child Care Tax Credit, according to the project book, will actually bring 400,000 more families into eligibility for benefit. Did you envisage this huge expansion in the dependency culture when you devised this programme? What is your view really of the expansion of the credit?
  (Mr Taylor)  I cannot comment on the Child Care Tax Credit at all. It is absolutely beyond my brief and beyond my remit. We did not look at it and we were not involved in it. I do not know is the answer.

  36.  The Working Families Tax Credit itself is also an expansion and it was hoped that more people would claim it as compared with the numbers claiming Family Credit. How do you envisage the increase in the dependency culture as a way of tackling all the problems you set out to tackle? Do you think it is worth dealing with or do you think this is a retrograde step and that it has been set at the wrong levels?
  (Mr Taylor)  I do not see people claiming credit which Parliament has decided they ought to have as being an increase in the dependency culture. We did try to look into the evidence and we found it very sparse and very difficult to interpret, I am afraid, as to why the Family Credit takeup was only around 70 per cent.

  37.  85 per cent by expenditure, which seems very high.
  (Mr Taylor)  There were those on the Task Force who judged that that was a low level of takeup and there were those who judged that it was a highly satisfactory level of takeup; and that the only reason people were not taking up the rest was that they thought that they would not be in that income band for very long. They would be, in Patricia's words, "cumulated out" and so there was no point going through all the hassle of being on a benefit that would not be for them for very long. Partly because the benefit has not been around for very long and it has not been studied, we were dealing with supposition here. Generally speaking, if a credit exists, one wants people to take it up. What seems to me more desirable over time is that more people should be taking up Working Families Tax Credit because they should be working and they should be not be taking up the out of work benefits that they are taking at the moment.

  38.  That is not what is happening. The reason why these numbers are so large is they are moving up the income scale. You can now claim this credit if you are earning 30,000 a year.
  (Mr Taylor)  I was not asked to structure the financial side of the Working Families Tax Credit. The principle under which we worked was that we would recommend Revenue neutral reforms and there are no Revenue implications in what we put forward for the Working Families Tax Credit. Nor are there indeed in what we put forward for National Insurance, although the Chancellor was good enough, I think wisely, to spend a bit of money at the lower end and subsidise that because we actually put forward some ways in which he could have got that money back if he wanted to. The change in the numbers and the tapers and, therefore, the population covered by the Credit at the moment was not part of the work of that committee.

Mr Leigh

  39.  You are a very interesting creature for a Select Committee, if I may put it that way, because you have penetrated the inner recesses of Government and you have now emerged blinking into the sunlight in the real world a free man and you can therefore now be entirely open with us as you now want nothing from the Government. You were a bit frustrated when you last appeared before us because you had prepared a Report for the Chancellor and quite rightly you had to give it to him before you gave it to us. I know you have been asked a number of questions already but can I sweep up so far and say is there anything that you would have liked to have told us last time, or amplify anything? I do not know if you have had a chance to refresh your memory of the transcript of what you said to us last time. Is there anything that you would like to tell us now that perhaps you could not say then?

(Mr Taylor)  I do not think there is anything in particular. The difficulty last time was that not only had I not given the Report to the Chancellor but I felt that parts of it were likely to be covered by Budget secrecy and in particular the National Insurance reforms, which were to be the most important part of the work that we did. That is not to minimise the Working Family Tax Credit but I think that would have happened anyway if our committee had not sat. We were simply asked to consider something that the Chancellor had already decided that if it worked he would like to do, whereas the NI reforms did not fall into that category. Since for me that was the most important part of what we were doing, and since I could not really discuss it with you, the meeting was rather frustrating. The reforms are easy to understand and they are set out and there they are. I remember being asked a lot of questions about what we were really doing which I answered to the best of my ability subject to the constraints I was under. No, I do not think I held anything back that I was dying to say, apart from what was in the Report. I do not recall anything being in these dark recesses of Government that you do not know about.


 
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