Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 200 - 219)

TUESDAY 20 APRIL 1999

THE HON PETER CARUANA, QC, MR ERNEST MONTADO and MR ALBERT POGGIO, MBE

  200.  My reading of the Wales and Scotland Act is that there would be areas of competence as you now have, but if you followed the devolution model we are following there would be powers repatriated to the United Kingdom—particularly in the whole area of the European Union legislation. Would you be willing to look at that change, an alternative in the balance of constitutional competence?
  (Mr Caruana)  Absolutely so. I have spoken of my regret that the option appears not to be available; because I believe that that option—in other words, integration into the United Kingdom on such terms as might be available (and by "terms" I mean precisely the sort of things Mr Rowlands is now asking)—ought to be on any referendum paper, put to the people of Gibraltar: do you prefer constitutional modernisation, or do you prefer this model?

  201.  We know from the exchanges, if you read paragraph 77 in the cross-examination of Ms Quin, that such an integration policy is perfectly within the terms of the Treaty of Utrecht?
  (Mr Caruana)  Indeed.

  202.  As indeed, as I understand it, are most of the suggestions you are putting about the changes in your constitution?
  (Mr Caruana)  We have carefully drafted those ideas for change so that they should be viable. There is no point us drawing up a wish list. The question is: does it have to be viable in terms of the British definition of sovereignty; or does it have to be viable under the Spanish view that no constitutional change is to their liking? Bearing in mind that Spain objects to our existing constitution, all those manifestations of the problems within the European Union—the competent authority issues, the non-recognition issues—are manifestations of the fact that Spain objects to the fact that back in 1969 the United Kingdom gave us even the constitution we now have. You can imagine what her views would be of any progression of that constitution.

  203.  If you look at paragraph 90 in relation to Ms Quin's evidence, we understand that the kind of proposals you have been putting forward are not breaches of the Treaty of Utrecht. We do not have to go and have international opinion of these matters, they are all within the right side of the Treaty of Utrecht?
  (Mr Caruana)  They all are. Most of them, indeed probably all of them, relate to internal matters of institutional relationship between the Governor and the Government, the Gibraltar Government. None of them address the question of Gibraltar's sovereignty.

  204.  They leave the Governor in place, because the biggest single manifestation to any outsider of colonialism is the concept of a Governor?
  (Mr Caruana)  It depends what you call him of course. This is why we suggested that he should not be called Governor but a Lieutenant Governor or, indeed, a Governor General. There are Governor Generals in independent Commonwealth countries, and there are Lieutenant Governors in places like Jersey, Guernsey and the Isle of Man that are not colonies. This nomenclature is important. Governor Simpliciter is a colonial label, certainly.

Chairman

  205.  Would you think the Lieutenant Governor or Governor should come from the citizens of Gibraltar?
  (Mr Caruana)  That would be a very enlightened approach. Certainly our constitutional ideas are predicated on the fact that we recognise, whilst we have a relationship of sovereignty and political dependency on the United Kingdom, that that gives the United Kingdom rights as well as obligations; and that the United Kingdom needs to have a mechanism through which those rights of the United Kingdom (which need not be colonial in nature or mechanism) can be protected. There must always be a representative of the Crown in Gibraltar. Indeed, we would not want there not to be a representative of the Crown in Gibraltar. To the extent that the Governor (albeit called something else) is the representative of Her Majesty The Queen in Gibraltar, you would have to take him away with us kicking and screaming. It is simply a question of the constitutional powers and functions that that office has or does not have in relation to day-to-day life in Gibraltar.

Mr Rowlands

  206.  That leads us into the European Union, because many of the problems and issues of Gibraltar's identity and definition have been created in the context of the European Union. I do not think we should go over the nitty-gritty of all the disputes; you have given us a very detailed and extensive brief on that and, you may have seen, we have also had quite a good go at Ms Quin about them. I think we have fairly accurately conveyed the feelings and wishes on the issue. I would like to home in on one specific issue and this is the Schengen issue. Do you agree that this is going to be the next test of the balance of interest we talked of earlier on between United Kingdom interests in the European Union and Gibraltar's interests in the European Union? In that context, could I draw attention to Appendix 9 of your memorandum and the two letters published in that from Mr Montado to Mr Steve Williams. We have not got his replies to them because they are not within your property; they are the property of the FCO. We can read from them that this exchange turned out to be less than satisfactory. Could I ask you where it now stands. In your second letter on 23 February you say, "I am a little concerned that you should have simply taken note of Gibraltar's wish to participate in all parts of Schengen in which the UK takes part". That implies that you did not get the sort of commitment you were trying to receive from the first letter. We are at some disadvantage that we have not got the reply because Mr Williams' part of the correspondence is missing. I assume you did not get in reply to your initial inquiry a satisfactory response and your second letter is a reply to that. Could you flesh this out, please?
  (Mr Caruana)  You are right; your reading between the lines is entirely correct. The reply was not satisfactory in the sense that it said something like, and please do not hold me to the exact words because I am drawing from memory, "Well, we'll have to see how the situation pans out as the United Kingdom decides what parts of Schengen it wishes to participate in, and we get into the political thick of it in Europe". Therefore, having said to the United Kingdom that we wished to participate in all parts of Schengen that the United Kingdom participates in, we are concerned by any formula of words emanating from the Foreign Office. I am now quoting from Mr Williams' letter of 17 February

  207.  You have authority to do that, do you?
  (Mr Caruana)  I think there is a difference in quoting from the letter and publishing the letter. I do not think he would object to my reading out just one short sentence. "We have noted Gibraltar's wish to participate in all parts of Schengen in which the UK takes parts. We will want to continue to work closely with you on this", which is less than cast in stone in terms of a result. Indeed, our concerns in that respect are born out by the evidence given to you by Ms Quin at paragraph 125 of her transcript, which I think reflects precisely the position that concerns Gibraltar, and precisely the possibility that I invited you, when I last appeared before you, to remain vigilant on our behalf. In other words, the United Kingdom, having agreed to a position where Spain in practice has a veto on Schengen joining by the United Kingdom, the United Kingdom says, "I am now looking at the bits of Schengen that the United Kingdom is interested in joining. They are talking to us about that. What do you think, Gibraltar, these are the bits we want to join, how about you?" We are saying, "Thank you for the consultation. We are of course carefully reading all the papers, but we want to take part in everything that you take part in, because to be excluded from anything is tantamount to marginalisation of Gibraltar". In that context, somebody in this Committee asked the question—

Chairman

  208.  It was Mr Rowlands.
  (Mr Caruana)  Yes, it was Mr Rowlands. "Finally, if the Home Secretary comes forward with proposals covered by the existing Schengen and therefore covered by veto and we find the Spanish Government saying, `You can join minus Gibraltar', are we going to be very clear and state very clearly that in these proposals we come with Gibraltar? [Answer] Obviously [and I am not sure it is obvious at all] if that happens the Home Secretary will need to look at the areas which are being referred to and look at them in order to decide whether it is so important to the United Kingdom that he would want to recommend us to be part of it anyway or whether he feels that if there is some attempt to exclude Gibraltar that is simply unacceptable ...." This raises precisely the scenario that we fear; in other words, another á la carte approach. United Kingdom decides that it wants to join something and if ministers have decided that they want to join something presumably it is because it is important to the United Kingdom, I cannot see the Cabinet making a decision to subscribe to some part of Schengen if it is not important or desirable in the United Kingdom's national interest to do so, therefore this answer suggests that what is going to happen there, in respect of Schengen, some of which may by then have been transferred to the First Pillar, post the ratification of Amsterdam, and we might find ourselves contrary to being included in everything, as we have said we want to be included, we may find ourselves on the receiving end of some judgment here, in the British Government, that says: "Well, it is so important to the United Kingdom that we will go in and leave you out".

  209.  That is your concern.
  (Mr Caruana)  That was precisely the scenario that we feared when we lamented the giving away of the veto to Spain on this matter.

Mr Rowlands

  210.  Putting it simply, although we can go over the past failures, what you perceive to be the past failures of the British Government in handling your relationship with the European Union, shall we agree that the litmus test of the British Government's strength of support in this issue will be Schengen or shall I say the next one is going to be Schengen.
  (Mr Caruana)  It is the ultimate litmus test.

  211.  Yes.
  (Mr Caruana)  Schengen coupled with any measures that might be developed either under the old external frontiers convention or some new external frontiers convention, post Amsterdam. Those two will be the litmus test of the United Kingdom's willingness to uphold Gibraltar's right to participate on Treaty terms in the European Community and not make our benefits an a la carte menu when our burdens are not.

  212.  As a matter of curiosity, did you have a reply Mr Montado to the letter of 25 February?
  (Mr Montado)  I do not think so, no.
  (Mr Caruana)  There are constant comings and goings. For example this afternoon we have a meeting with Foreign Office officials in the European Union.

  213.  Meetings may have replaced the reply?
  (Mr Caruana)  Specifically on Schengen consultation but of course we draw a careful distinction, Mr Rowlands, between being consulted in the process as it goes along, which is great and which is welcome and which ought to happen, but that is very different from the final result which is that we do not want it to happen even if we have been consulted along the line because consultation does not mean that we agree.

  214.  Finally from me, may I just ask you, Miss Quin told us that she had lodged complaints with the European Commission about aspects of the recent events. What has happened? Have you had any direct dealings with the Commission? Obviously they go through the United Kingdom Government but have there been any follow ups, has there been any perusal of the issue? Are we prosecuting our arguments with the European Commission as forcefully as we should?
  (Mr Caruana)  I cannot say with what vigour the British Government is prosecuting its argument with the Commission. Certainly the result has not so far been any action by the Commission which appears not to have adopted a position on the matter. What I can tell you, Mr Rowlands, as you know we have been operating a Complaints Office down at the border and in excess of 3,000 complaints have now reached the Commission?
  (Mr Montado)  3001.
  (Mr Caruana)  3001 complaints have now reached the Commission from citizens of all nationalities, of all nationalities including Spaniards and British and many other nationalities.

  215.  Good.
  (Mr Caruana)  That has attracted an element of response. I have here a letter from DGXV of the European Commission, the head of that Unit. It is addressed to the Frontiers Complaints Office and it reads: "Thank you very much for the letters of complaint—see list in the annex—which you have forwarded to the Commission regarding the difficulties the complaints have experienced on entry and departure of the border crossing point between Gibraltar and Spain during the months February and March 1999. In effect the Commission has received numerous complaints concerning these issues and intends to contact the Spanish authorities about the matter."

Chairman

  216.  What date is that letter?
  (Mr Caruana)  12 April 1999. I will happily leave a copy with the Committee.[1] "At present we cannot prejudge the outcome of these contacts. I would be grateful if you would kindly pass this information to the complainants." So the position appears to be that the Commission is saying that it is going to take the matter up.

Mr Rowlands

  217.  When was the first complaint to the Commission? What was the date of the first complaint?
  (Mr Caruana)  I think it would have been early February, Mr Rowlands, certainly because they started to go up as they came through.

Mr Rowlands:  Thank you very much.

Chairman

  218.  Chief Minister, I would like to move on to the airport and here is an opportunity for building up relations with the hinterland, here is a possibility, symbolic and otherwise, for co-operation, a confidence building measure. Now the agreement in 1987 was supported by the then Chief Minister, Sir Joshua Hassan, and that was founded in the 1988 election in Gibraltar. Can you see the prospect of the citizens of Gibraltar accepting a deal under which those arriving at the airport step out one side into Spain and the other side in Gibraltar?
  (Mr Caruana)  Yes. Well, before I answer that question can I just take you back with your indulgence, Chairman, just a little bit further?

  219.  Yes.
  (Mr Caruana)  I think it is worth recording, Chairman, that as far as Gibraltar is concerned there is no shortage of confidence building. For example, if we talk about economic type confidence building measures, the fact of the matter is Gibraltar opens its doors fully to Spain economically, not just in terms of unrestricted access to Spanish labour but indeed unrestricted access of Spanish based businesses which dominate many of the sectors in our market. There is no shortage of economic co-operation as far as Gibraltar is concerned.


1   See Suplementary Memorandum, p. 78. Back


 
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