Select Committee on Social Security Minutes of Evidence



SUPPLEMENTARY MEMORANDUM SUBMITTED BY RT HON FRANK FIELD, MP (CP 30A)

TWO CONTRARY VIEWS ON WELFARE REFORM

  Two views about the future of welfare are now before the country. One view is set out in the Government's green paper on welfare reform, New Ambitions for Our Country: A New Contract for Welfare. Here welfare is seen as an inclusive agent and one which increasingly should be based on the idea of contract. Welfare costs should be much more clearly marked and who picks up the price tag made much more transparent. Transfers to the poor should be clearly identified as support gained from taxpayers by an appeal to altruism and as a reward for good citizenship. One assumption upon which the green paper was written was that only by building up an insurance based welfare, with entitlement based on contributions would it be possible to maintain universal provision.

  A contrasting vision is presented by the emerging tax credit system. It is now clear that the Working Families Tax Credit (WFTC) is not a one off initiative, but the start of the most major recasting of the welfare state for people of working age. A Disabled Persons Tax Credit is in place and the Child Care Tax Credits are already part of both the Disabled Persons' and Working Families' Tax Credits. Persistent leaks in the media suggest the Government would like to abolish Housing Benefit and Council Tax Benefit for non-retired claimants, replacing these benefits with a Housing Tax Credit.

  The scheme is nothing if not ambitious. A single-earner couple with 2 children under 11, for example, could be still be receiving WFTC with earnings up to around £370 per week. This is just over 90 per cent of the average earnings of all full-time adult employees. Relevant childcare costs and/or different family composition could push this figure even higher.

  The Select Committee cannot now sensibly view the future and potential of national insurance without also considering the emerging tax credit system.

  There is a fundamental division between these two approaches to reform which centres on how each group sees welfare functioning, particularly how welfare impacts on human behaviour. Tax Credits are old wine in new bottles. Despite the change in name the Credits are a means tested benefit. As with all means tests they penalise success. Under the Tax Credits system the lower a person's income (at least for the purposes of filling in the claim form) the higher will be the taxpayers' subsidy. The opposite is also true. Gaining higher incomes will be rewarded by a lower credit.

  For millions of people low paid jobs are the only option currently open to them. But in deciding how to assist this group should the overwhelming drive be to reward only on the basis that people stay on low income? Should we provide financial disincentives for people who work harder and raise their income? Is failure an outcome which governments should subsidise? And the use of the word subsidy in this context is right, for the tax credit will be paid from general taxation, and not by contributions.[12] While some people will be on low income, and will rightly gain help, the whole emphasis of this approach to welfare changes is to penalise success.

  The WFTC sees the reintroduction of the Speenhamland system of subsidising low wages. Employers are currently opposing running the tax credit, but it will not take long for even the dimmest amongst them to realise that the Government is offering them the right to draw upon large sums of taxpayers' money to subsidise the wages bill.

  Soon there will be few jobs advertised paying less than £200 per week—the guaranteed minimum income the Treasury claims for the Working Families Tax Credit. Employees enquiring for work will be offered first the WFTC application form. Employers will increasingly pay only the minimum wage at £3.60 an hour and draw the rest of the £200 wage from the Exchequer. Indeed, would it be sensible for them to do otherwise, given the system the Government is establishing?

  For the millions of single workers earning above £3.60 an hour but less than £200 per week life will become tougher. Their wages will be squeezed towards £3.60. The alternative for some of them will be to boost wages by lying that they have a family. The Inland Revenue are responsible for checking the veracity of claims. Judging by the evidence given by the Inland Revenue to the Social Security Select Committee it looks as if the Inland Revenue will use similar anti-fraud measures as have been used for Family Credit. Regrettably the main benefit review of Family Credit was dropped by the Benefits Agency following the decision to transfer the benefit to the Inland Revenue. The Working Families Tax Credit will attract large numbers of new claimants to a benefit of uncertain security.

  The WFTC will push down wages. No employer will be able to offer a higher take home pay for a wage between the minimum rate of £3.60 an hour and the £5 per hour guaranteed under the WFTC. The estimated bill for the tax credit will quickly soar, while the distribution of earnings towards the bottom end of the scale will take a marked downward shift. The only plus for the scheme is that currently the WFTC is available only to those with children, although a pilot for childless couples is being run. Childless people will find it harder to gain work for they cannot be offered the new weekly £200 minimum wage.

  The minimum wage has been a success beyond all expectations. Wages have increased for the lowest paid without unemployment rising. Surely the approach should be to operate on this success and begin a review of the minimum wage. For the reasons I have just given, the advent of Tax Credits now largely undermines any future gains which could come from increasing the minimum wage.

  A full blown tax credit system cannot survive in the longer run. Without any contribution based benefits the evil effects of means testing will become ever more disastrous. The only question is how long will taxpayers be prepared to foot an ever escalating bill resulting from people naturally working the system and, to a lesser extent, from fraud.

2 November 1999


12  The funding of the WFTC through general taxation contrasts sharply with the transparency of contribution and entitlement which is so central to New Ambitions for Our Country: A New Contract for Welfare. Back

 
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