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6.29 pm
Mr. Richard Spring (West Suffolk): In the past few hours of the debate, we have seen revealed a total muddle. We knew about the major splits among Government Front Benchers in respect of the euro, and we have seen it this afternoon under the headline "Cook dumps speech praising euro". The Foreign Secretary left out key
passages from the speech that spin doctors handed out to the newspapers before the debate. Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman was blinded on the way back from Damascus, or perhaps he was nobbled by the Chancellor of the Exchequer on his way to the debate, especially as the Chancellor is to make an important speech this evening.The Government's position is a shambles, and the Front Bench is split on a vital issue. The reaction in the Chamber and outside is a humiliation for the Foreign Secretary. There is no proper policy on the euro and no vision for Europe. This is not a brewery; it is the House of Commons.
We heard some excellent speeches this afternoon, expressing various points of view. In an impressive speech, the right hon. Member for Birmingham, Hodge Hill (Mr. Davis) spoke about European security considerations. He referred to problems in Russia, a point taken up by the right hon. and learned Member for North-East Fife (Mr. Campbell). At least on reform of the common agricultural policy, we can agree, although one can only smile wryly at the right hon. and learned Gentleman's suggestion that every Liberal Democrat Member of Parliament shares his enthusiasm for the single currency and his view of Europe.
The right hon. Member for Llanelli (Mr. Davies) made an excellent speech, in which he dealt with defence, NATO and burden sharing. All Governments in Europe are cutting defence expenditure, and the right hon. Gentleman spoke of the difficulties arising from that and about the implications of the single currency.
My right hon. Friend the Member for Wokingham (Mr. Redwood) spoke about the need for honesty in the debate about Europe. He pointed out the fundamental dishonesty of Ministers who will not face up to the challenges of an enlarged Europe.
The hon. Member for Swansea, East (Mr. Anderson) spoke about the effect of the extension of qualified majority voting on European legislation. We make no apology for our views, or for seeking referendums on major constitutional changes that may affect this country. I was a little disappointed that the hon. Gentleman spoke about the views expressed by my right hon. Friend the Member for Horsham (Mr. Maude) in a fine speech which, with respect, I do not think the hon. Gentleman had read fully.
I agree with my right hon. Friend the Member for Skipton and Ripon (Mr. Curry) that the European Union has added greatly to peace and stability in post-war Europe. My right hon. Friend spoke movingly about that. Enlargement is, indeed, hugely important, and the Government seem to be losing sight of the central objective. There is no leadership from the Government in that regard.
The hon. Member for Wimbledon (Mr. Casale) spoke about the views of the European Scrutiny Committee on matters such as the weighting of votes. We all agree that the European Union must succeed, but we do not subscribe to the idea that there should be one size that fits all in an enlarged community.
In a fine speech, my hon. Friend the Member for Stratford-on-Avon (Mr. Maples) spoke about competing models, visions of Europe and the need for clarity. He is right about the process of euro-osmosis--the evolution of concepts such as the social chapter and its effect on
our law. I applaud the fact that my hon. Friend was one of the originators of the concept of flexibility, which we have taken up and extended.The hon. Member for East Carmarthen and Dinefwr (Mr. Williams) was honest about his position and specific about the relationship between the deutschmark and the pound. Such honesty is lacking from the views expressed from the Government Front Bench.
We heard a contribution from my distinguished hon. Friend the Member for Wycombe (Sir R. Whitney), who has been consistent in his view over the years. As always, he made a conscientious speech, expressed with genuine conviction.
The hon. Member for Great Grimsby (Mr. Mitchell), in characteristically effervescent form, pricked the balloon of the waffle and soundbites typical of those on his Front Bench.
My hon. Friend the Member for Boston and Skegness (Sir R. Body) spoke about the need for flexibility, and the difficulties of scrutinising European legislation.
The hon. Member for Wolverhampton, South-West (Ms Jones) dealt eloquently with the dangers of the charter of fundamental rights--a bean feast for lawyers--and what will happen if that becomes an annexe to the treaties.
I was glad to hear some support from my hon. Friend the Member for Stone (Mr. Cash) for the views set out by my right hon. Friend the Member for Horsham in a speech made in Berlin. He may not have found them ideal, but I am glad that he approves of much of what my right hon. Friend said. He alluded to the crucial nature of our North Atlantic Treaty Organisation relationship. Very bravely, in a party of control freaks, the hon. Member for Luton, North (Mr. Hopkins) spoke genuinely--[Interruption.] Control freaks on the Back Benches, not the Front Bench. My hon. Friend the Member for Esher and Walton (Mr. Taylor) talked about the single market and the need for deregulation. He has consistently taken a favourable view of the single currency, and called for clarity and for the Government to take an active role.
I am glad that the Foreign Secretary has arrived because we are interested to understand why key passages of his speech were left out. For example, he was to say, "The Feira Council will confirm Greece as a member of the Euro zone. At that point Britain could be the only member state outside the Euro zone." He was also to say that we should "now resolve in principle that we want to be a member." He must consult the Chancellor before talking in those terms. He was also to say, "It is not difficult to identify why there would be benefits for Britain joining in a successful single currency. This Government will not let Britain lose by staying out." Clearly he was nobbled on the way to the Chamber. Why were those passages left out? We look forward to an explanation.
Mr. Robin Cook: The hon. Gentleman was present for my speech. If he casts his mind back, he will remember that I took three interventions during that passage of text. If the House wants to have a debate--it is right that it should do so--it cannot complain if a Minister does not
read his speech by rote. As to that particular sentence, it is one that I have used at least half a dozen times, and I will use it again.
Mr. Spring: All I can say is that the idea that those omissions arose out of confusion is pretty lame. The Foreign Secretary left a key issue out of a central part of his speech. Perhaps the Chancellor will be relieved that even greater embarrassment not will be heaped on him by that speech. However, by leaving passages out the Foreign Secretary has made things worse.
The debate has once more revealed the parallel universe that Ministers seem to inhabit for discussions in Europe. Almost alone in Europe, the Government repeat their mantra that current developments on the intergovernmental conference, the charter and Europe's future defence identity are likely to be only technical and of no political significance. In August 1998, the Foreign Secretary said:
- The concept of Europe as a superstate is one that is deeply unfashionable . . .
The Government claim that the charter of fundamental rights will be a harmless restatement of existing rights, but Commissioner Vitorino says that it will mark a definitive change in the Community, helping it to become "a full political Union". Let us remind ourselves that Gunter Verheugen called for the charter to fulfil its function as the foundation stone of a European constitution. The Government simply will not tell us explicitly whether they will veto in advance the proposition that the charter become part of any treaty annex. The German Foreign Minister has called for a European Parliament and a European Government to exercise real legislative and executive power in a federation.
How do Ministers explain such a total divergence between their statements and those of other EU leaders? Why is it that, almost alone in Europe, the Government appear to be in denial about what is likely to be pressed on them at Nice? They are acting in the way that they always act: they hope that their spin will triumph over substance, but other leaders refuse to be spun and have the annoying habit of telling the truth. For example, echoing Harold Wilson's words about the white heat of the technological revolution, the Prime Minister talked about a
- sea change in European economic thinking,
- we do not intend to abandon the social model we have built over the last fifty years . . .
The Government constantly refuse to acknowledge the path down which Europe is heading because they lack the inclination and the will to put the case for an alternative route and for the kind of Europe that the moderate, mainstream majority of the British people want.
The European Union, on the verge of enlargement, faces fundamental issues. In Berlin a month ago, Joschka Fischer posed important questions, and last week, also in
Berlin, my right hon. Friend the shadow Foreign Secretary set out the alternative case for a reformed, more flexible, network Europe. Where is the Government's vision? Where do Government Members see Europe in 10 or 20 years? Why do the Government think that Europe will change? How will it change with enlargement?Why do not the Government show the same clarity of vision for the future of Europe as other European leaders? Why do they refuse to acknowledge, let alone participate in, the debate raging elsewhere? Lack of leadership means that our influence is suffering by default. So much for being in the driving seat--that is total nonsense.
What is happening to the force of European policy? It was reported that a new unit co-ordinating the work of Government Departments on Europe and keeping ahead of the game will be incorporated at No. 10 Downing street. As everybody in the Foreign Office knows, Downing street is effectively controlling more and more of the elements of foreign policy. The Foreign Secretary's position is to be further diminished, and nowhere more so than in the eyes of his European counterparts.
It would be a tragedy if the case were not put, at Feira and at the IGC, for reforms that would enable the EU to respond to the requirements of a diverse, enlarged Europe and a modern world. Many of the Opposition's proposals for the IGC have been challenged by no one in the debate today. No one has leapt to the defence of the current common agricultural policy, which will damage and destroy the process of enlargement if it is not dealt with.
No one has leapt to the defence of the common fisheries policy, nor could they. Even the Minister for Europe has not been heard lauding its equity and its exemplary record on stock conservation. No one has leapt to the defence of the EU's record on international development. The problems, which will become infinitely worse after enlargement, are universally acknowledged. It is just that the Government do not possess the vision to do anything about it. Where is the leadership? It simply is not there.
One of the necessary institutional reforms is for greater flexibility in Europe. Of course there is a need for safeguards in endorsing enhanced co-operation procedures, but on principle, the idea that nations should have more room for manoeuvre is in line with the realities of the modern world. The Government are simply out of date on this issue. The world has moved on from all their talk about fast lanes, inner circles, benchmarking and hard cores.
Cannot the Government see that an enlarged Europe will be more diverse? Cannot they see the need for varying relationships to suit the different needs and wishes of Europe's peoples? Cannot they see that that is the best way to enhance democracy and the accountability of Governments to their electorate for the decisions that they make? Cannot they see that it is the best way to preserve the integrity of the EU and to ensure that all its members feel at ease? We should be working for a gradual development of a Europe of interlocking and overlapping groupings, and of nations coming together in different combinations for different purposes and to a varying extent.
Today we have heard the two alternatives now available as Europe, on the verge of enlargement, stands at the fork in the road. We can choose the old one-size-fits-all dogma of yesterday. Down that road lies discord and disharmony as national interests are overridden. The Government are no friends of Europe for
choosing that route, whether by design or default, and for allowing the EU to move step by step towards a single European superstate.If Europe is to succeed in the new century, it must choose the other route. It needs agility and adaptability. A democratic Europe needs flexibility and diversity. It needs freedom and choice. That is a common-sense, rounded vision for Europe which makes sense for the modern world.
The IGC gives us a tremendous opportunity to start to fashion just such a European Union, which can survive and prosper for all its members. Nothing today has reassured the House that, on any level, the Government are facing up either to the will of the British people or the ability of a European Union to survive and prosper in the years to come.
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