Select Committee on Agriculture Minutes of Evidence



Examination of witnesses (Questions 160 - 181)

TUESDAY 29 FEBRUARY 2000

MR BEN GILL, MR MARTIN HAWORTH and DR DERRICK WILKINSON

  160. I see.
  (Mr Gill) So, it is animal and plants.

  161. Tell us why it functioned well "by and large"?
  (Dr. Wilkinson) Why has it functioned well by and large? Because it is a new agreement really. It is the extent to which it has resolved disputes that have come up so far. I think it has not shown that it has any serious flaws in itself. A major dispute that it has dealt with, of course, has been in the hormones case and, I think, that it took a proper and very sensible view of that case. I think that looking at the provisions of the SPS—what it actually requires of the contractual parties—they are very sensible provisions. They simply require that where there are international standards of plant safety, that you get, as it were, the benefit of the doubt, if that is what you are imposing, but it gives you the freedom to go higher. It only requires that you offer some sensible evidence, some sort of scientific reasoning for why you are going higher than everybody else. It is a perfectly sensible sort of document. It has not had a long life yet, but what it has done, it seems to me, is that it has worked reasonably well.
  (Mr Haworth) I think in paragraph 5 we point out that one area that needs clarification is the definition of the precautionary principle, which even more than multi-functionality, means many things to different people.

  162. I will be coming to that. What you are saying is that it is a good and adequate working basis?
  (Dr. Wilkinson) I think it is a very good start to a very complex and emotive issue.

  163. How does this belief in the reliability of the scientific knowledge fit in with your views on the scientific basis for the ban on hormones in beef?
  (Dr. Wilkinson) The reason for going for science is because it is clear and it is objective. It is as clear and objective as we have available. It is not infallible, nothing is, we are all human, but it is the most clear and objective way of looking at something and of it being clear and objective and having that transparency facility.

  164. The use of science on hormones in beef is valid?
  (Mr Haworth) We are not scientific experts, we have to rely on the advice of others who are more esteemed and knowledgeable in these areas, and the scientific arguments of the European Union have been somewhat open to question by other scientists. What does worry me is that we do see, from time to time, political interference with science, which does not help when you go into SPS measures, and nowhere more so than the case where we are talking about the precautionary principle.

  165. The only scientific evidence that the European Union has provided so far is one study which showed that one of the hormones in issue may be carcinogenic if it was improperly used, is that right?
  (Dr. Wilkinson) Yes, if it was improperly used, but the whole point is that the things are supposed to be properly used. They are in the midst of, apparently, conducting a number of studies to provide the risk assessment that the WTO required of them, but it is interesting that they had not done that in the first place. They had not, in fact, provided the scientific evidence to justify the imposition of that measure.

  166. You say in paragraph 4.1, "We have always had serious concerns about the European ban on beef treated with hormones. The suspicion is commonly held by our trading partners that the measure was taken on spurious grounds." Do you think it was taken on spurious grounds?
  (Mr Gill) The decision was taken as a clear outpouring of consumer reaction that was lobbied very hard for by certain groups in the mid 1980s, which led to a European ban on the use of hormones in beef within Europe. We then faced the position akin to where we are with other sectors that we are talking about at the moment, where we were faced with imports of product coming in from the United States which was not deemed to be acceptable within the European Union. Therefore, the problem arose within the WTO. The Americans took the issue to a GATT panel and WTO panel and it went back and forth, and it has not provided the satisfactory answer that it should have done to resolve the issue, because it is still in dispute and subject to countervailing duty being imposed against certain Member States. The brief position has been somewhat at variance with the rest of Europe's position, based on the hard science and not on some of the problems that arose in the early days and the issues that were referred to—not the hormones we are talking about—in Italy in veal calves, that caused certain malformities in young children, the results of which were horrendous and totally despicable and should never have happened. What then arose was that because that was classed as a hormone, so to speak, as a result people said, "Stop all hormones."

  167. How does the belief in the reliability of the scientific knowledge fit in with the situation that has arisen with the French ban on British beef?
  (Mr Gill) In that specific case the French position is nothing other than a catalogue of twisted evidence and paper thin fabrication of lies for their own protectionist approaches. It is not based on science in any way at all. If you talk to the scientists involved they have, in many forms since then, as good as said that in public.

  168. Let us move onto the precautionary principle. It does raise the question of who should make the decisions, the scientists or the politicians?
  (Mr Gill) The way the question was asked of ABSA is a question which we need to watch very carefully, down to even the linguistic problem that there is no proper word in the French dictionary for the word "safe", so, in the question they use the words "without risk", and there is nothing in this life that is without risk. If you phrase the question accordingly you get the answer, which has led them into a political problem compounded by their political ineptitude to manage local systems, and the way their law is developed has caused not just an issue, but has made them, rather than stop digging, dig a hole even deeper.

  Mr Paterson: There are no French words for "fair play" either.

Mr Mitchell

  169. Has the Commission's recent paper answered the precise definition of a precautionary principle or is it still a nonsense?
  (Mr Haworth) We largely applaud the Commission's attempt to define the precautionary principle. In the first instance, I think there is a complete misunderstanding about what the precautionary principle is. A lot of people think that the precautionary principle just means taking a very cautious approach to issues. That is not what it means. What it means is that where there is insufficient scientific evidence to form a proper risk analysis, it may be legitimate for governments to postpone a decision or take a cautious approach until there is proper scientific proof. That is well defined in the Commission's new approach. We also like the fact that where precautionary principle is evoked, resources should be used and should be put into the science to come up with clearer answers. The only difficulty is that because they have tried to define it so carefully they have put a lot of conditions in, and some of those conditions could well be contradictory. So, in an attempt to get to that position we may have actually created more difficulties and more potential for further dispute than has been solved, but we will see.

  170. There is still an area of vagueness?
  (Mr Gill) There is still further work that needs to be done. It is consultation, I am led to understand, and I did raise this issue with Her Majesty's Government a week ago, or 10 days ago, suggesting that the British Government ought to have a clear statement on what it feels a proper definition of the precautionary principle should be. There is no such definition at this time. Furthermore, the latter point is crucial. In the past, the way that the precautionary principle has been used by certain sectors—not all—has been a delaying tactic to kick into touch. I think we ought to be bold enough to say that where we evoke the precautionary principle it is an admission of failure, failure of the science, or our scientific communities, to deliver the answers that society needs. Therefore, it should be logical that there is an immediate re-prioritisation of the research work to give those answers to form the proper evidence. The precautionary principle approach otherwise costs industry enormously. I can give a generic example, within the Nitrates Directive it says 50 parts a million, at billions of pounds of costs to British industry, when 100 parts a million—which I think is increasingly accepted in scientific communities—would have been perfectly rational and acceptable and not impinging in any way on human health.

Mr Paterson

  171. The Food Standards Agency would have to define the principle?
  (Mr Gill) I think it is entirely appropriate that the Foodstuff Standards Agency ought to be involved in the definition of the precautionary principle.

Mr Drew

  172. Can I come in on the back of that? Clearly what you are arguing is that no group of scientists is immune to consumer reaction, and the only way you can try and make these objectives possible is to take it out of the arena. I wondered if that would apply to the European-wide Food Safety Organisation. Is it potentially only when you get to a truly international one that you have fairness and clarity—not for every item, that would be ridiculous, but for items that are very controversial—and for them to be adjudicated on that basis? Is that possible and something you want to move towards?
  (Mr Gill) There is, indeed, a White Paper out at the moment from the European Union by Commissioner Byrne on the issues of the European Union Food Safety Agency. I think it would need to be clearly stated what its role is. We have repeatedly said, for example, what our concerns are here in the United Kingdom. If the Food Agency is to be successful, it must be very clearly focused on its objectives and it must be able to give clear definitive evidence, with confidence, to the consumer. One concern we have in the United Kingdom has repeatedly been the inclusion of nutritional advice within food safety standards, with nutrition not being a safety issue, but a recommendation, and a recommendation to individuals as to what they should and should not include in their diet. Equally, there would be no justification for creating a European Foodstuffs Agency that was simply going to duplicate everything that has gone into a national area. What it needs to be doing is coordinating and assisting Member States and be the authoritative base for the European Union, which would then obviously pick up some of the scientific committees that have been more effectively created since the BSE crisis hit us, and build to that in their work. It could then give a far more authoritative basis, which might have been more useful within the context of the problems that we have alluded to with regard to France, and which have been obviated in these stupid situations that have developed, and the totally unnecessary situations that have distracted farmers, politicians and commissioners from other more crucially important issues for the farming and food industry.

Mr Jack

  173. In paragraph (5) 5.1 and 5.2 of your evidence you discuss inspections of foodstuffs. When I read the first line of this, "Border inspection of foodstuffs is an important aspect of ensuring the safety of imported foods", I thought "Is this notice of a last ditch position? If all else fails, let us try and get an acceptable inspection regime in the context of the WTO, which enables Europe to turn back anything that it does not particularly like." Perhaps you would just like to open the batting on that challenge to your position on inspection and its purpose?
  (Mr Gill) One of the key considerations that we have, and one of the key concerns we have—whether or not caused by climate change or global warming—is the ever onward spread of disease—both animal and plant—or exotic diseases, or various horse diseases that have spread from Africa into Europe. There are plant diseases which are moving ever further forward. For example, we have had major problems with Rhizomania and brown rot infected potatoes coming out of Egypt into the United Kingdom. There is the problem of Rhizomania as well as many other diseases that we face, particularly, if we free up borders with Central European countries where there is a whole raft of other diseases. We have eradicated foot and mouth from the European Union and we would not want to see it come back again. Until we can be assured that any country that comes within European Union confines is up to the standard we will be in, we would need to protect the borders with other countries and, indeed, protect the borders of countries without that, for the very same reason. As I am sure you are well aware, if you travelled to the United States or New Zealand and you have the misfortune to declare that you have been on a farm within recent months, you are fumigated and abused to a considerable degree to ensure that you have no contaminants on or about your person.

Mr Drew

  174. Do you think that in the context of what this inquiry is about—the WTO—there are barriers, problems and inhibitions to the operation of the kind of rigorous inspection system which you have described as necessary, because there is always the suspicion with any inspection system, or are you, in fact, inventing a new barrier to trade. You put forward very good reasons why you want a rigorous system. Does the WTO prevent that?
  (Mr Haworth) I do not think so. I think it is probably the other way round. The system that we have in Europe generally seems to work effectively, expeditiously and in an open way. Our problems are, for example, with the United States where they do, quite often, use their inspection procedure as a protectional device, particularly on horticultural products.
  (Dr. Wilkinson) The Japanese have done similar things as well.

Mr Jack

  175. Your stand point on this statute is, apart from demanding a rigorous excise—and I might just ask you in a second about how well the position is working—that Europe should be attacking other people's inspection systems for their failings?
  (Mr Gill) If there is an identifiable failing, that would be correct and we ought to apply similar rigour, where appropriate, to the risk. I think that the key theory is that perhaps we should have put in earlier when we were talking about precautionary principles and safety issues, that the regulations should be proportionate to the risk.

  176. Given that the common external position means that a variety of Member States, some with highly sophisticated inspection and scientific back-ups, can look at materials coming into the Community, what is your general opinion about the way that the European inspection regime operates, because once goods are within that they are in full circulation?
  (Mr Haworth) I would not say that we have had any particular difficulties in the last 20 years with porousness or importing diseases through countries. It is a concern for the future as we enlarge to the east. Indeed, that is one of the areas where the European Union is spending the most money, in bringing up the systems in anticipation of those countries joining the European Union, and bringing up their systems so that they are able to operate to our levels and standards. I am not aware that there has been any huge problems of importing disease through the external borders of the European Union and having free circulation.
  (Mr Gill) An instance where that did occur was after the unification of Germany where the natural border was the east/west border and there was no proper border between East Germany and Poland. We were aware of live animals coming into the UK which were supposedly of German origin, but we suspected, because the paperwork was different, that they could have been of Russian origin. That brought disease into the country and lead to a number of animals having to be slaughtered and destroyed.
  (Mr Haworth) That was a temporary problem that was resolved with the unification of Germany.

  177. Let us move onto the disputes procedure, which has caused quite a lot of dispute, particularly in the context of bananas. I appreciate you are not responsible for bananas in the Caribbean. What reforms of current disputes procedure, if any, do you think ought to be introduced?
  (Dr. Wilkinson ) I favoured the current dispute settlement procedure, as one who advocated the unification of GATT dispute settlement procedures as they were then. So I would not advocate any particular approach. I think that it is more expeditious and it is more certain, by and large, contracting parties are either abiding by rulings—that is to say, bringing their offending legislation or regulations into conformity—or, as in the case of hormones in beef, paying a penalty for not doing so. These are options that are available to them within the rules. I think that it is working reasonably well. There are those who take the view that it could be improved to bring about greater certainty by actually being more proactive in saying what the changes to the offending legislation are that are needed in order to bring it into conformity. That is a view which I think is a perfectly respectable view and it is one that we think is worth considering.

  178. In previous examples of dispute resolution have you been, as a Union, in any way involved? As a process, you have just spoken warmly about its rigour and how you are supporting proposed amendments to it. Do you feel involved where you need to have a say?
  (Mr Haworth) We have always been satisfied with the amount of consultation we have had with the Commission on these issues. Our concern has been that, on the disputes procedure, where it proves impossible to solve a dispute it is always another sector which suffers the consequence of that failure. That has been a concern of ours. Therefore, for that reason we want to see as efficient and expeditiously functioning a system as possible. For example, in the banana case there was a threat to some agricultural sectors.
  (Mr Gill) Nothing to do with the UK as yet. It depends where global warming is.
  (Dr. Wilkinson) It is worth observing, in terms of the current dispute settlement procedure, in light of this particular question and the involvement of non parties, that it has become clear over the past couple of years that there is now scope for direct participation of interested parties that was not available previously. So, to the extent that we are involved with disputes in the future, and we sincerely hope that we will not be, but to the extent that we are, we could be even more involved if we so wished to be.

Mr Opik

  179. What kind of vision should the Government adopt to help farmers adapt to the demands of modernisation and globalisation?
  (Mr Gill) British farming has suffered, and British farming has gone through enormous changes in recent times. We have gone through the era of seeking to produce more and more food, and we have achieved that, some might say too successfully. As recently as 1979/1980 the British farmer was exhorted to produce more and more, and not to worry about marketing, and we did that. The industry, therefore, became totally pre-occupied with support mechanisms as they became more complex. Now we need to move away and change from that. The complexity of the support regimes that we have outlined has been thrown up by some of the work that we have done in the Regulatory Review Groups, where you have a multiplicity of expressions that drive people to rally. The precision that has been adopted towards some of the inspections seems to fail to discriminate between those who have erred and should be punished, and punished severely, and those who have made simple and genuine errors, sometimes in favour of administration rather than themselves. We need to move the whole thinking away from this and towards support mechanisms, added value, and one of working together and one that can bring professionalism into the marketing arena, which is something that has been all too lacking. If I have a particular self criticism—of course, there will be many—one in particular is that we, as farmers, have been too mean in paying the chief executives and saying that we will not pay them more than we earn, and increasingly reducing the level of earnings. This has been a recipe for disaster. The executives should be paid the appropriate reward. We need to ensure a basis of exchanging information across the country in a positive way that ensures that opportunities that are to be presented in the rural development regulations are not expended on consultant reports and that they do actually go towards helping farmers develop new approaches. We are already in discussion with the Government about how we can put in place a central reference point, so that if a farmer in Montgomeryshire had an idea, he does not have to find funding for a consultant's report, he can pluck it off a central point and, hence, efficiently utilise how we can exchange information as well on more detailed points that are increasingly complex, from business administration to the legalistic approach. There is a very significant number of people that have taken early retirement who would be pleased to spend a short period of time advising groups as they set out. There are farmers that are positive in looking and expanding in this way, but are put off by the quote that they receive from a consultant which would cost them £25,000 to do the report. It is also building the structures in a way that puts in place the parallel structure that we see elsewhere but in the world of bigger and bigger companies involved downstream do not detract from the initial marketing that there is, but to ensure that we have a proper balance to the retail sector, where we have now three retailers accounting for between 53 and nearly 60 per cent of the market share and one objective. I have seen farmers' groups and farmers' cooperative groups as I have gone around the country in recent times and we should, in each community, seek to have these groups accountable for a similar share on our side of the farm gate to give us a balance, not a dominance, but a balance. So, basically the Government initiative should seek to facilitate a real partnership, a partnership of equals, a partnership where if there is a problem then all hands are on deck to solve it. All too often we find a problem is solved by someone who has no hands-on understanding of what the actual parameters are in the production system and how you might solve it, and it is a lot cheaper, and they are a lot more easily able to ascertain whether it is a real problem. I remember going on a farm in the south east on the day after there had been a hill storm. It had bruised the spring onion crop and the producer was in living fear that his whole crop was going to be rejected. It was only superficial damage but, on an unannounced visit, the fear in that man's eyes was clearly visible. That is no way to go ahead in a grown-up society. It was an expression of domination, not partnership, and what we need to do is deliver a partnership in that chain so that we can move on to deliver the premium for food attracted to the standard that we produce in the United Kingdom, and deliver the consistency of that production in a proper partnership that benefits all.

  180. If you were allowed to ask for two things from the Government for small and medium sized farmers, and tenant farmers, what would they be?
  (Mr Gill) We come back to the point you raised earlier, which is the sector most at risk. The problem we have with being specific is, that if I could compare a thousand acre farm in East Anglia on the sands of the Brecklands with a thousand acre farm or indeed a two hundred acre farm in the Wash, that is the problem. I believe the best way we can help the smaller farmers in this country is by two things, to facilitate structural arrangements so they can benefit from the economies of scale by working together. Secondly, where appropriate, and time permits, they are allowed and the system in local government permits and facilitates alternative part-time employment that will be consistent with the demands on the farm. All too often we hear of this from central government, and have done, that when it comes down to the regional level the "more than my job's worth" approach applies or the "no development after mine" approach applies or the "nimby" approach applies that prevents it. There is no proper appreciation taken in rural communities of the real value of job creation in the part of sustaining rural communities and jobs in those areas.

Chairman

  181. We had a very long session and I am grateful to you and your colleagues. I am going to ask you one final short question. This afternoon we have the Minister in front of us on the Rural Development Regulation, if you could ask him one question what would it be?
  (Mr Gill) The question that I would ask him would be, can he give any indication of when he can secure the appropriate funding for that regulation from the European context, which although it is an improvement on what we have been drawing down it substantially under-allocates to the United Kingdom on the size of the United Kingdom rural communities and the agricultural economy. The figure should be nearer 8 per cent, from memory, off the top of my head, rather than the 3.5 per cent we have been allocated. That regulation therefore needs to be used even more effectively than it would have been, because it is dreadfully under-funded, and done so in a coordinated way, according to the lines I have just mentioned.

  Chairman: Thank you very much, indeed. We are grateful to all three of you for coming this morning and to the way you have answered our questions. We have a little bit to go in this inquiry, however, you have made a very useful contribution and we are most grateful to you all. Thank you.


 
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