Select Committee on Defence Tenth Special Report



ANNEX

1. The Government is grateful to the House of Commons Defence Committee for its report, European Security and Defence, produced at the request of the European Scrutiny Committee. The Committee has rightly pointed out that this issue is of fundamental importance to the UK. We are strongly committed to developing improved arrangements for European security and defence, and to ensuring that European nations are better able to act on their foreign and security policy objectives, whether through NATO or through the European Union. Significant progress has been made since the St Malo Declaration of December 1998 but, as the Committee recognises, there are many challenges ahead. We therefore welcome the Committee's recommendations, which will help to shape our approach in the coming months. Our response to the Committee's opinion follows.

EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE (Paras 37-49)

2. The Committee rightly recognises that the European security and defence arrangements currently under development are for crisis management, not collective defence. The Committee recommends that in public debate about European defence, this distinction should be made clear. The Government agrees. We must be clear that we are not building new structures to rival NATO; indeed as the Committee acknowledges, the Government firmly believes that strengthening European capability will strengthen the Alliance as a whole. In the Alliance context, improved capabilities will be available both for crisis management and for collective defence, as required.

3. The Government also welcomes the Committee's acknowledgement that there is a distinctive European need for a crisis management capacity. The Committee suggests that this should be explicitly recognised within the Alliance. At the Washington Summit, in April 1999, NATO leaders agreed to pursue common security objectives through the Alliance wherever possible, but also welcomed developments in the EU, recognising that the Union should be able to take decisions and approve military action where the Alliance as a whole is not engaged.

4. Finally, the Committee questions whether this particular initiative will bring about genuine changes that will allow European nations to act militarily in support of their own perceived interests. The Government believes that this initiative is on track to succeed. Significant progress has already been made. We are convinced that this has been possible because the debate has focused on capabilities rather than dwelling on institutional questions. As the Committee recognises, a more potent European security capability will be the true test of the success of this initiative.

THE HEADLINE GOAL (Paras 50-55)

5. The Committee welcomes DSACEUR's role in planning and generating the forces to meet the Headline Goal. We agree that the role of NATO defence planning systems in supporting the delivery of the Headline Goal will be important.

6. The Committee is right to observe that the numerical force generation element of the Headline Goal is a modest ambition, and that achieving the back-up elements of the Headline Goal will be the real test by which the initiative will stand or fall. There are, as the Committee notes, significant numbers of personnel in the armed forces in Europe. However, many of these are still structured to face Cold War threats. They are not readily and rapidly deployable. They do not have the support structures to allow them to be sustained in a theatre of operations away from their home base. It is precisely these deficiencies that the Headline Goal is designed to address. Providing the troop numbers themselves is not a significant challenge. The Government believes that providing rapidly deployable and sustainable forces at this level, able to undertake the full range of Petersberg tasks, is a challenging, but realistic target. This autumn, the EU nations will participate in a Capability Commitment Conference. This conference will review national contributions and agree measures to address shortfalls; measures which will be fully consistent with NATO's own defence planning and Defence Capabilities Initiative. We look forward to reporting progress towards the achievement of the Headline Goal.

THE EU STRUCTURES (Paras 56-68)

7. The Government welcomes the Committee's recognition that military aspects of EU-led crisis management will be an important complement to the EU's crisis management tools, and that the EU's ability to deploy a wide range of instruments will allow it to make a distinctive contribution to European security.

8. We agree that double-hatting of military representatives to NATO and to the EU is desirable. The "toolbox paper"[8], which the 15 Member States have agreed should be a basis for further work, states that dual-hatting was the ideal, although this would be a matter for national decision,. 13 of the 15 EU Member States' Military Representatives or military Heads of Mission are currently dual hatted to NATO and the EU. The Government agrees that DSACEUR's attendance at the EU Military Committee will, in many cases, be essential, not least to ensure transparency between the EU and NATO. The toolbox paper reflects this view, in its statement that DSACEUR should "normally participate as appropriate in the EMC".

9. Many details concerning the future structures have yet to be resolved. These include; questions of the relationship between the EMC and other EU bodies; the precise means of selecting the Chairman of the EMC; and the staffing of the EMS. This work will be taken forward during France's Presidency of the EU. We welcome, and broadly support, the Committee's recommendations in these areas.

10. The Committee recognises that the EMS will have a role in identifying the constituent parts of the European rapid reaction forces and recommends that it should be tasked with maintaining and improving interoperability not only across EU forces but across the whole of NATO. Clearly, the EMS as a body of the European Union, cannot co-ordinate actions taken to improve the forces of Allies who are not EU Member States. However, the forces that Member States commit to the Headline Goal will in most cases also be forces that are assigned to NATO. The importance of interoperability across the board is understood and accepted by all. Close co-operation and understanding between the two organisations will be essential.

EU/NATO RELATIONS (Paras 69-75)

11. We strongly agree that there must be appropriate arrangements for the participation of the six non-EU European Allies in new arrangements. Heads of State and Government at the Feira European Council, 19-20 June, agreed a Portuguese Presidency Report that set out the outline of arrangements for the consultation and participation of these and other countries.

THE RESIDUAL WEU (Paras 76-80)

12. The Government agrees that it would be best to ensure a clean break with the WEU, with as little institutional residue as can be achieved. In practice however, with considerable work still to be done and much detail yet to be decided, a residual but reducing staff will be required for a time. What size it will need to be and how long it will need to remain are as yet undetermined. The future of the specific organisations mentioned by the Committee - the WEAG, WEAO, and the Satellite Centre is still being considered.

ACCOUNTABILITY (Paras 81-83)

13. We agree that the question of democratic scrutiny of European defence arrangements needs to be tackled. As Member States will remain individually responsible for decisions about the deployment of their armed forces, the primary responsibility for parliamentary scrutiny of European defence will rest with national Parliaments. At the European level, we believe that it is more important to get future parliamentary oversight right than to rush through changes that might have treaty implications. It will be better, therefore, to address this question once the permanent arrangements are in place in the EU.


8  Military Bodies of the European Union and the Planning and Conduct of EU-led Military Operations. Back

 
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