Select Committee on Education and Employment Minutes of Evidence



Examination of witnesses (Questions 40 - 46)

WEDNESDAY 24 MAY 2000

MR JOHN ATKINSON, MR NIGEL MEAGER and MR CHRIS HASLUCK

  40. Is there evidence that their attitude has actually changed? Presumably given that they engaged in the process, they have at least a more open mind than somebody who did not?
  (Mr Hasluck) I think there is a mixture of psychological things going on and practical, financial things here. There is a risk to employing an unemployed person, as most employers will tell you. The point about the subsidy is that it makes handy the possibility of terminating the placement in subsidised employment after six months and makes it much less of a risk to an employer—things can go back to square one, and they have been financially compensated for the deficiencies and shortfalls in recruitment that they might have. So it is less risky. If you look at it from a purely financial point of view, that makes it quite attractive to hire this person, and maybe after the six months they have actually acquired the skills and so on which were deficient in the first place, which the employer would not perhaps have been prepared to supply over the six-month period for free. I suspect that there is also a psychological process of identifying good candidates from amongst those people who are recruited in this way.
  (Mr Meager) There is evidence from previous schemes that yes, to some extent, the employers who participate most readily in the schemes are the ones who are most readily prepared to offer employment placements and to recruit. There is also evidence that allowing for that, and looking specifically at employers who participated in these kinds of programmes but who did not recruit and employ, there is apparently some effect subsequently on their attitudes and behaviour towards this—not always a huge effect, and not always affecting huge numbers of employers. Given the scale of the New Deal, I think it would be very surprising if there were not such an effect, but given the size of the programme, it must be bringing in employers who have not been the usual suspects, or some employers who have not been the usual suspects, for participating in these schemes. So I think it would be very surprising if there were not such an effect. What we do not know is how big it is yet, or at what cost it has been obtained financially.

  41. I am drawing to a close now. An increasing proportion of the unemployed are multiply disadvantaged, with a number of different problems which act against their likelihood of getting a job—if you like, they are the more difficult client group to get into employment. Will employers engage with this client group, or is it better to keep them away from employers until those problems have been tackled? As a follow-on to that, what are the implications of this increasing proportion of the unemployed population for the New Deal? How has the New Deal changed that?
  (Mr Meager) It is partly only an increase in proportion, because total unemployment has fallen. I do not think you should run away with the idea that there is a massive growth in the number of multiply-disadvantaged people. Obviously at a time of falling unemployment, you would get a proportion more, so it is not a sea change.

  42. I meant that to be implicit. I am taking that as read.
  (Mr Meager) I do not know.

  Mr Brady: That is a fair answer.

Chairman

  43. I think it was Nigel who earlier on touched on early identification. I think there was a general agreement that this would be helpful, and yet the Employment Service or the Government seemed to be rather cautious in moving towards a greater use of early identification models. Do you think they are right to be cautious about this?
  (Mr Atkinson) Yes, I think they are right to be cautious about it. All the early work which was done on early identification tried really to do it statistically, to try to identify those characteristics which would lead probably to a lengthy spell of unemployment. They were all failures, because it is the problem of false positives. Anyway, that approach to it is too crude, I think, and it does not give good results. If you did it that way you would end up with very large numbers of people who were projected to be in danger of having a long spell, who actually would have got a job quite quickly. There would be a big deadweight if it was done that way. However, I think that the experience of the New Deal and the calibre of the New Deal advisers who have been developed under the New Deal suggests that their skill in assessing individuals is really quite a way beyond the sorts of skills, attributes and experiences which a regular Employment Service adviser would have had in the past. Therefore, it seems to us that it is quite possible to develop an insight among those staff which would allow them to form a reasonable basis for directing people in certain directions, for distinguishing between those who were pretty much job ready, those who, with a bit of help, could be job ready, and those who really required much longer-term intervention. That would be a pretty crude method, but they seem to me anyway to be the best people to effect it—on a subjective basis, not a wholly free basis, because there obviously need to be guidelines drawn up and criteria against which they would assess it. They do seem to me to have the skills, attributes and insights to be able to do that effectively. So I think it does open up a possibility, and I think what needs to be done is to have some trials of that kind of approach, to see if it can be made operational.

  44. Thank you. I have one question on intermediaries and then another one on the private agencies. The Government seems to be quite keen on intermediaries that view employers as their main clients. Again, I think Nigel made reference to that. What impact do you think these organisations could have on the recruitment process and on the chances of long-term unemployed people getting into a job? You may have already touched upon this. Is the Employment Service sufficiently employer-focused?
  (Mr Hasluck) Perhaps I could start on that. There is clearly a dilemma here, and we are wise to recognise it from the outset. It is that there are jobseekers who face considerable difficulties in their jobsearch, and those jobseekers deserve support. The Employment Service has been one of the main pillars of that support over the years. The question then is, what is the relative weight and trade-off to give between the support to jobseekers on the one hand and employers on the other hand, and I do not think it is a comfortable or an easy assessment to make. Clearly, there is a responsibility on the Employment Service to look to particular groups of jobseekers—people with disabilities, members of ethnic minorities—and that is part of their performance plan. How far this is then extended to cover all jobseekers is a matter of different interpretational values. I think that maybe the decision is going to be made for the Employment Service, in the sense that they are faced with intense competition—or will be, if they are not already—from other organisations. Therefore, maybe the market will be as effective here as it is in other places, in that the Employment Service will be forced to become a provider of a service to employers and make employers their main customer focus. It is not going to be easy, because I do not see them abandoning or turning around on the traditional support that they have provided over many years.
  (Mr Atkinson) I think there are intermediaries and there are intermediaries. There is quite a mixed bag. The type of intermediary that I think does not work very well is the kind of alternative Jobcentre, where efforts are made by mostly community groups to set up alternative job banks of one sort or another, specifically for unemployed people in the locality. They do this, as I am sure you are aware, by just chumming up to local employers and getting them to offer some of their vacancies to the alternative Jobcentre. They never have very many vacancies, they never have a wide range of occupations, therefore they do not offer to the local unemployed a really viable alternative to either private commercial agencies who have a host of vacancies or the Jobcentres who also have a host of vacancies. So I think that kind of intermediary is a bit of a non-starter, although well-intentioned. The type of intermediary that does work better, though, is the type of intermediate labour markets which have been tried out in Glasgow and other places, whereby businesses are set up with the intention of employing unemployed individuals. These do seem to work rather well because of their worklike nature; they are very close to a real working environment, and that is recognised by subsequent employers who may well find graduates from these intermediate labour markets. The problem with them, I think, is that they are rather expensive, funding the activity in the first place is rather expensive, and their knock-on effect on local employment has been questioned. For example, if a window-cleaning co-operative is set up, it might well put out of business other local window cleaners. There has been a lot of debate about how important that is.

  45. Finally, the private agencies. You have referred to the fact that this is growing apace. Do you think they are effective job-brokers for unemployed clients?
  (Mr Hasluck) I suppose that it has to be recognised that private employment agencies are businesses, they are there to make a return for their shareholders. So I think the question is, can they make a business out of providing a service to unemployed people? Here I think the answer is in some cases yes, they can, and in other cases no, they cannot. Where people are job-ready and close to employment, then it is perfectly feasible for private agencies to assist them and help them on their way, and many are already doing that. There are obviously other clients in the jobseeker client group who are going to be much more difficult. I do have some doubts as to whether private agencies are really seriously going to consider taking on very long-term unemployed people, people with really intractable or almost intractable barriers to employment, because they have to be very altruistic to do that, and there is not going to be very much return on that.

  46. So you think the Government is right to encourage private agencies to take on unemployed clients?
  (Mr Hasluck) As I have said, I think that some unemployed clients can be probably quite effectively dealt with through the private sector, and I guess the argument for that is that that leaves the Employment Service free to concentrate on those who face the greatest difficulties. Of course, if that is accepted as a division of labour, then I think you have to ensure that the Employment Service is not judged solely on the basis of the proportion of jobseekers that they are successfully getting into work, because clearly there is a cherry-picking or a creaming-off process here which is going to work to the disadvantage of the Employment Service.
  (Mr Meager) I agree with that. I think that a byproduct of that might be a further segmentation in the marketing sense, in that the closest to employment of the unemployed would end up not being served by the Employment Service, and you would see the Employment Service being seen as, and possibly even becoming, the sort of supplier of last resort, which would actually make it much harder for them across the range of their client group, not just with the most difficult to place people. So I think a lot more thought needs to be given to what kinds of employment agencies are being encouraged and why. I think there really needs to be a case to show that actually they can place this particular client group more efficiently, more acutely and more quickly than the Employment Service. I do not think that evidence has actually been produced yet, so I would be in favour of proceeding with some caution on that.
  (Mr Atkinson) I wanted to add that I agree with both my companions here. That does not mean that we should rule out the private agencies. I think they have things to offer. They have skills to offer, and they have a really good understanding of the different sectors in which they work. Therefore, they have in many ways a more superior understanding as to what employers want than the Employment Service often does. The question really is on what basis that skill and that expertise can be drawn to help the unemployed. If you do it on a commercial basis, then the creaming-off that has been mentioned will take place. Therefore, I think you have to do it on a non-commercial basis and draw the agencies in in a different way than just leaving it to their instincts which are to cream off. We suggested in our paper a couple of ways in which that might be done.

  Chairman: Yes. Can I thank you, on behalf of my colleagues, for the way in which you have answered our questions. Some of them, you may have felt, may have been slightly outside your brief, but I think, as Stephen Twigg said, we talk off the top of our heads all the time, and fortunately you do not have to do that. Thank you very much indeed for your evidence, both written and oral. Right at the beginning of our investigation you have whetted our appetite for digging further into these matters. Thank you.


 
previous page contents

House of Commons home page Parliament home page House of Lords home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2000
Prepared 17 July 2000