Memorandum by the Black Training and Enterprise
Group (UWP 101)
THE URBAN WHITE PAPER
1. ABOUT BTEG
1.1 Black Training and Enterprise Group
(BTEG)[3]
was established in 1991 by representatives from the black voluntary
sector. As a national body, BTEG continues to grow and represents
over 200 organisations. The Group's mission is to ensure fair
access and outcomes for black communities in employment, training,
enterprise and regeneration, and act as a catalyst for enabling
black organisations to play an active role in the economic regeneration
of local communities through partnership with others.
1.2 BTEG is a member of the DETR Race Equality
Steering Group for the New Deal for Communities, DfEE Advisory
Group to the New Deal Task Force and the DfEE National Monitoring
Committees for ESF Objectives 3 & 4. BTEG is also a member
of the Local Government Association's Race and the Built Environment
Working Group and the Urban Forum.
1.3 BTEG welcomes the first Urban White
Paper in over 20 years to provide a coherent, strategic direction
to urban renewal.
1.4 This submission outlines the issues
and considerations that BTEG believes should be built into the
proposed Urban White Paper. Ultimately, race quality and social
cohesion should be recognised by the Government as drivers for
economic competitiveness and at the forefront of urban regeneration
and economic development policies, programmes and practices.
2. INTRODUCTION
2.1 The absence of a coherent race equality
framework in generic urban policy means that both Government and
other statutory bodies are continually having to make up this
"equality deficit" after programmes have been set in
motion. Hence, institutional failure in addressing the socio-economic
needs of black communities' highlights a significant gap between
rhetoric and reality in the strategies put forward by Government
and its various agencies, charged with the eventual delivery.
2.2 The impact of this can be seen in the
low levels of investment in black communities and the subsequent
weak infrastructure of the black business and voluntary sectors.
In addition, there are broader problems of racism and multiple
deprivation leading to high levels of unemployment in black communities.
Inequalities in the labour market have a huge impact on other
areas such as health and education, where the pattern of inequality
can be seen as flowing from racism.
2.3 Black communities tend to be the subject
of regeneration but not its architects or leaders. Programmes
and projects as a result of such measures have thus tended to
be narrow in their aims and at best resulted in limited or no
sustainable development of black communities.
2.4 Despite the disadvantaged position of
many black and ethnic minority communities within urban Britain,
most urban policy initiatives implemented prior to 1994 have not
explicitly targeted addressing racial disadvantage and discrimination.
Indeed, most urban policy initiatives over this period have relied
on a colour-blind approach, whereby black and ethnic minority
groups were expected to benefit from urban policy measures by
virtue of their geographical concentration within areas targeted
for action.[4]
3. AVOIDING TRADITIONAL
APPROACHES TO
URBAN POLICY
3.1 Urban strategies, on the whole, still
place a heavy emphasis on inward investment and infrastructure
with often-weak linkages to social regeneration in inner-city
communities. Despite cities such as Birmingham creating wealth
in GDP terms, this is unrelated to job growth. Hence, how much
wealth creation and inward investment actually trickles down to
benefit black communities?
3.2 Despite the introduction of Regional
Development Agencies (RDAs), New Deal for Communities and changes
to Single Regeneration Budget (SRB), traditional approaches to
economic development are still the main framework adopted in practice,
whilst wealth creation and economic growth, remains to be seen
for black communities.
3.3 RDAs by and large are disconnected from
black communities and this needs to be a concern for all stakeholders.
Therefore, solutions would include new forms of working and thinking
around economic development through moving away from a top-down
sectoral analysis and instead towards the strength of diversity
at local level.
3.4 The Supplementary Guidance to RDAs clearly
states that "race equality is high on the Government's agenda"[5].
However, there is little evidence in the strategies produced by
all the RDAs that they are adhering to the recommendations within
the statutory guidance, notably in setting "clear priorities
and plans for contributing to the race equality agenda".
4. LOCAL DYNAMISM
AND LOCAL
OPPORTUNITIES
4.1 A new approach to urban policy is required
that can shift the focus from social measures to appropriate wealth
creation and economic development measures, which increase the
local ownership of economic assets and improve the competitive
advantage of inner cities and their residents.
4.2 The focus of a new urban policy must be on
community wealth creation, ownership and development, with linkages
to employment opportunities: the involvement of local people is
key to its success. Hence, for true regeneration, there has to
be a substantial proportion of existing local economic activity,
which is locally owned or managed, with a high level of financial
autonomy.
4.3 For example, strategies for regeneration
of deprived areas can be best achieved through promoting greater
development of indigenous businesses, which are more likely to
create jobs for local people, and through the supply chain benefit
other local businesses. The aim, therefore, should be to generate
and circulate a greater proportion of income in the local areas,
and stem the movement of jobs to outside the city boundaries.
4.4 Indeed, local dynamism as well as local
opportunities are factors which influence the effectiveness of
urban policy. Black communities themselves are diverse, their
needs varying, the problems they suffer multiple, and their strengths
different. However, there is now a real opportunity to move the
agenda away from a deficit/problem model to a value-added model
looking at potential, recognising unrealised potential and tapping
into it. For example, by showing what value a diverse community
can bring to the economy then arguing for increased support to
that community.
5. DELIVERING
AN "URBAN
RENAISSANCE"
5.1 Can the recommendations in the Urban
Task Force report really address the very real problems of poverty
and economic decay in urban areas? There seems to be an over-emphasis
on planning and development whilst overlooking the key architects
to the whole process: people, and in particular black communities.
5.2 What is evident is that there are insufficient
organisational and individual networks for local people to be
engaged in economic development and regeneration activities.
5.3 The idea of an "urban renaissance"
or top-down approaches to economic development hasn't delivered
economic prosperity and employment opportunities for black communities.
For example, flagship developments such as the Albert Dock (and
other waterfront developments) in Liverpool hasn't had the desired
impact on quality of life for its immediate residents in the Liverpool
8 community (Granby/Toxteth). Similarly, the economic growth created
by firms along the "M4 corridor" has had little impact
on unemployment levels for black communities living in Slough
or Reading, with rates still two to three times the region's average.
5.4 Any process towards urban or neighbourhood
renewal should identify stakeholders and look to forge links from
the bottom-up to the top-down in an attempt to develop a shared
strategic vision on economic prosperity and opportunity. This
will require improved co-ordination in terms of strategies from
agencies such as RDAs, on their actions to address the socio-economic
development needs of black communities.
5.5 If deprived areas and inner cities are
to offer a thriving environment for business and communities,
then other issues will have to be tackled such as the physical
and aesthetic environment, the quality of schools and education,
and security and safety.
5.6 Local shopping areas such as Ealing
Road in Wembley suffer acute problems of traffic congestion, which
limits the growth of minority enterprises in these areas. The
space currently available needs to be used in conjunction with
effective town planning, thus creating a balance between the needs
of local businesses, shoppers and motorists, to create vibrant
areas of economic prosperity and quality of life where black communities
live and work.
6. CONCLUSION
6.1 Regeneration seeks to identify the uniqueness
and distinctiveness of an area, building on its strengths and
seeking new opportunities, with the overall aim of improving the
quality of life for residents. The future economy of many major
cities will depend on the participation of black communities,
yet many black communities remain excluded from economic life.
To benefit black communities in a local area, regeneration partnerships
need to involve them actively as partners in setting priorities,
developing and delivering programmes.[6]
6.2 In essence, the proposed Urban White
Paper should seek to address asset development and acquisition
through independent economic action by local communities, employers,
developers and planners with the aim for sustainable development
of whole areas and advancement of communities.
3 Black includes people of African, Caribbean, South
Asian and South East Asian origin. Back
4
Loftman, P and Beazley, M (1998): Race and Regeneration-A Review
of the SRB Challenge Fund (LGIU). Back
5
DETR (1999): Supplementary Guidance to Regional Development Agencies. Back
6
Zahno, K (1997): Working with the Black Voluntary Sector: A Good
Practice Guide (PLCRC). Back
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