Select Committee on Environment, Transport and Regional Affairs Memoranda


Memorandum by Birmingham City Council (UWP 26)

THE PROPOSED URBAN WHITE PAPER

INTRODUCTION

  Despite the enormous expenditure of goodwill and resources over the last 30 years, the health of many urban areas has deteriorated further, and their ability to compete in Europe and internationally has declined. This, we believe, is due to a historic focus upon symptoms not causes, and a tendency to pursue incremental change. The Government should be bold, break with the past, and seek fundamental changes which address core problems and opportunities.

  Our submission covers:

  1.  the development of stronger planning at the city-region level;

  2.  the establishment of a new relationship between central government and local partners;

  3.  the renewal of regional policy;

  4.  our priorities for the implementation of the Urban Task Force report; and

  5.  a more strategic approach to social exclusion.

  Whilst we have illustrated our broad ideas with more practical detail, this short submission primarily sets out our agenda for further dialogue. Such a dialogue could examine case studies and develop pilots to build further detail around the basic ideas put forward in the paper.

1.   Planning at the City-Region Level

  Traditionally, urban policy has been based upon small areas or the local authority area. More recently, the regional dimension has been strengthened. Yet many of the key problems and opportunities occur at the level of the city-region. By this we mean a functionally integrated area normally comprising a core city, contiguous urban areas, and free standing towns and villages. It is at this level that the housing market, labour market, transportation system and leisure and cultural systems operate, and it is these systems that create many of the principal problems and opportunities. The city-region is therefore a critical level for strategic planning and intervention. The city-region model also provides the flexibility to deal with the spatial expansion (and sometimes contraction) of the city-region over time. Whilst the model may not be universally applicable across the country, we believe that it is appropriate to strategic planning in many urban areas and should be piloted.

  Each city-region should have a long term (10-15 years) strategy. The strategy should have an international dimension, identifying a viable role for the city-region within Europe and globally. This role might be as a recreation and tourist area, as a manufacturing centre, as a financial or retailing centre, as a centre of business services, or as a combination of these roles. Similarly, the central city, other urban areas, suburbs and villages will all have different roles to play in the overall development of the city-region. The strategy should explicitly identify and nurture these distinctive roles. Whilst we recognise the importance to the city-region of all of its component parts, we would also stress that a sustainable, viable core city is crucial to the health of the city-region as a whole.

  The strategy should integrate economic, social, physical, environmental and cultural policies. It should be explicit about the key linkages between these, to form a basis for effective intervention. For example, the combined effects of the city-region housing and labour markets are to increase spatial polarisation and concentration of disadvantage. Key policies in the strategy would concern creating greater balance of housing tenure across the city-region and in local areas, good public transport access from high unemployment areas to new employment developments, the creation of European quality integrated public/private transport infrastructure and the spatial distribution of major cultural and leisure facilities.

  The Arts, culture and sport should play a central role in city-regional strategies. They are an economic and employment growth sector, create positive international images, offer lifestyle choices for residents, and support cultural diversity. National policy should be to create more major facilities and ensure that they are distributed across the country so as to support city-regional strategies. Whilst recognising that all major facilities need not be located at the core of the city-region, we would argue that a high degree of concentration in the core is important to achieving a sustainable core for the benefit of the city-region as a whole.

  The strategy should clearly spell out the spatial level at which policy and intervention needs to operate. For some issues, this may be at the European level. Other issues may need to be addressed at the national level. Yet others will best be dealt with at the local authority or local area level. However, an important set of issues will need to be tackled at the city-regional level.

  The strategy should include an action plan which sets out, in broad terms, the role and contribution to be made by each partner. This action plan should be broad enough to permit each partner an appropriate degree of flexibility, but tight enough for the partnership to monitor whether each partner is fulfilling its role and commitments. Partners should provide three year statements, again in broad terms, of resources that they would aim to commit to the strategy.

  In preparing the city-region strategy, there would need to be a Government review of its various zone and area initiatives, with a view to rationalising them and integrating them into the city-region strategy. Government should require RDAs and Government departments to focus explicitly upon city-regions, and the major city-regions in particular. To reflect the complexity and long term nature of genuine community participation, local area strategies should include a medium term plan for community involvement and capacity building. This would identify sustainable participation processes and explicitly earmark the necessary resources.

  There would be scope to create a more integrated approach to monitoring and evaluation, combining elements currently undertaken by external audit, the Regional Office, external inspection and local authorities. There should be a shift away from statistical monitoring of inputs and outputs towards qualitative monitoring of strategic outcomes through socio-economic indicators of the overall social, economic and environmental health of the city-region, using both the UK and Europe as comparisons. There should be explicit monitoring of the quality of the strategic partnership, and of the contributions made in practice by the different partners. Local area initiatives should explicitly monitor the quality of community involvement and the progress made in community capacity building and democratic renewal.

  To prepare and implement the city-region strategy, there would need to be new administrative arrangements. We have in mind the Communaute Urbaine system in metropolitan France, where a city-region level agency exists, controlled by local authorities, with the responsibility to undertake strategic planning and to make recommendations to public agencies on the spatial distribution of major investment, facilities and infrastructure. In the UK, such a system may need to be based, at least initially, upon more informal structures and processes than those existing in France. Birmingham is actively working with surrounding authorities, but we recognise the need to take this further. City Pride may be one model for achieving this. Further dialogue between Government and local authorities would consider how we could move to such a system from our current arrangements, including identifying the roles of the RDA, Regional Chamber, etc.

2.   A New Central/Local Partnership

  National and local objectives are interdependent. Neither can succeed in isolation. This interdependence needs to be reflected in stronger, more self conscious and explicit joint working between government and partners within the city-region. There needs to be a "contract" between the Government and the city-region, with streams of Government funding directly related to the agreed strategy. Government support for New Commitment for Regeneration, and the thinking around public service agreements, is a welcome step in this direction, and we believe our proposals take the debate further forward.

  The Government is a key provider of mainstream services, particularly those able to address the crucial social and community aspects of urban renaissance and prevent its being a primarily physical led process. It is the main funder of many local services. National policy, for example concerning the economy, can often have more impact locally than any local programmes. The Government can play a crucial role in helping to overcome obstacles to partnership working. For all of these reasons, Central Government departments, as well as the Regional Office, must become direct partners in developing and implementing the city-region strategies.

  The model set out here assumes that significant new public revenue resources will not become available. The key "additional" revenue resources to support the strategy would mainly come from bending mainstream Government and local public programmes, more effective partnership working, and the additional private resources that such an approach could be expected to lever in. Our model also aims to replace competition between local areas by a more collaborative approach nationally and regionally. We therefore assume that there will be limits to the redistribution, within or between city-regions, of existing revenue resources. Nevertheless, we strongly believe that, to enhance international competitiveness, there is an urgent need to increase dramatically the levels of capital investment in city-regions, and that some at least of this investment must come from the public sector, recognising as well that some revenue resources would be needed to maintain over time those capital investments.

  Our model presents greater opportunities to achieve flexibility in regenerating city-regions through local funding allocations and through stronger links between funding from different sources. This would allow the implementation of appropriate solutions for each local area, but within a strong city-regional framework, led by policies not funding. Together with the model of regionalism set out below, the approach would also generate private sector confidence in strong regional leadership, backed by a national policy framework, which will deliver sustainable regeneration of the regions.

3.   The Renewal of Regional Policy

  The national agenda for renewal cannot be achieved whilst one-third of the country experiences chronic overheating whilst the remainder experiences a chronic underemployment of resources. National prosperity and competitiveness depends upon building the competitiveness of the UK's city-regions. And if the country is to be successful, it must first be successful in the major cities.

  We have argued above that this dual achievement of national and local agendas depends upon strong, cohesive government in the regions, particularly at the city-region level. Powerful strategies across the regions can create a greater sense of overall direction, common purpose and a sense of identity. Explicit support to the regions through national strategies and programmes, which recognise the long term value of the regions, would add value to city-region strategies.

  A strong regional policy, linking national strategies directly to planning at the city-region level, must be a crucial component of national support for city-regions. The beginnings of such an approach already exist in London and the South East, where national policies recognise, support and nurture the national and international importance of this area. This linkage between national strategy and city-region strategy is at the heart of our proposals, and the same approach should be replicated for all parts of the country. This would create the balance required to give real choice to investors, and would create positive competition between the regions, boosting less buoyant regions and reducing overheating in the South East.

  Government support through regional policy should recognise the need to address the more limited skills and assets base, and greater dependence on local markets, of many city-regions compared to the South East. It must also recognise that urban areas, and urban problems and opportunities, are not homogenous—different city-regions will need support tailored to their particular needs. Government support should have four components:

    —  National economic policies that strike appropriate balances in terms of their impact upon different parts of the country.

    —  Greater involvement of Government in developing strategies for individual city-regions.

    —  A more proactive regional policy to encourage a more balanced distribution of economic activity, combining selective regional assistance and restrictive planning policies.

    —  A national strategy for the distribution of public R&D, national cultural and leisure facilities, centres of excellence, rail and airport infrastructure, etc, designed to support all city-regions.

4.   Implementation of the Urban Task Force Report

  The key issue must be to ensure that the greater emphasis upon encouraging urban development is reinforced by measures to reduce land allocated for development in the city-region hinterland.

  To achieve an urban renaissance, people must want to live in towns and cities. Quality urban design is, therefore, essential. Urban Design must move away from standardisation and encourage developments which are appropriate to their context in order to create places not just estates—including a mix of housing types and tenure, closely linked to local facilities, fronting onto a network of safe streets and public places, with secure private spaces to the rear. They will also need to recognise environmental concerns and be sustainable and adaptable.

  We must also recognise that physical measures alone do not make areas attractive—people's concerns about community safety, the quality of local schools, etc., must also be addressed. More generally, we must acknowledge that people want to live in certain ways, and that it is difficult to control those aspirations through physical policies. The latter must be complemented by a longer term agenda aimed at changing mind frames and values concerning urban living.

  Our priorities for implementation of the Rogers recommendations include:

    —  Stregthening the New Commitment to Regeneration programme by combining Government departments' spending powers and by the Government's signing up to local strategies;

    —  The establishment of Urban Regeneration Companies/Housing Regeneration Companies;

    —  Rogers' proposals for strengthening Regional Planning Guidance;

    —  A review of planning gain, planning briefs and discounted equity stakes as a means of securing more mixed income housing development and more affordable social housing;

    —  The range of proposals to speed up the reuse of vacant land and buildings, including Rogers' recommendations concerning stronger CPO powers for local authorities.

5.   A More Strategic Approach to Social Exclusion

  In the longer term, we must move away from the current approach to joined up working, which is built upon individual Departmental responses to the symptoms of social exclusion. Whilst this approach can have short-term and managerial advantages, it can also create barriers to the resolution of the real causes of social exclusion. The current approach of area-based bids for funding creates conflict between disadvantaged areas vying to be selected as a bid area, whilst the time scales permit only superficial community participation and capacity building. Problems occur due to the short life nature of initiatives and funding, the inadequate resources to address the scale of the issues fully and, more importantly, the lack of developmental work with the community in the early years. Recent initiatives like New Deal for Communities are seeking to address these shortcomings in their development. However, the opportunity for cities to roll this model out across all areas of need is unrealistic given the resources required.

  More fundamentally, the area based approach often addresses symptoms rather than causes, and therefore attempts to intervene at the wrong spatial level. Whilst social exclusion typically exhibits itself through local areas of concentrated disadvantage, some of the most powerful causes of these concentrations are to be found in national processes and in the way that the housing and labour markets work at the city-region level.

  We therefore suggest that area based initiatives should be rationalised and integrated into the city-region strategies advocated in this submission.

  Other aspects of social exclusion can only be dealt with at national level. Labour market disadvantage caused by discrimination and lack of access is exacerbated in many parts of the country by a deficient overall demand for labour. We recognise that training and work experience programmes such as New Deal are crucial in creating sustainable solutions to social exclusion by increasing access to the jobs that do exist in the local labour market. We also recognise that they begin to deal with the problem of deficient demand for labour: work experience programmes have the effect of creating additional demand, and in the longer term skill development programmes may also increase the demand for labour by attracting new investment and jobs to an area because it is perceived to possess a high skills base.

  Nevertheless, we believe that further measures may be needed to stimulate the demand for labour in many areas if the welfare to work approach is to achieve maximum sustainable impact on social exclusion. First, we have argued that the Government and local partners should work in partnership around proactive strategies to increase the competitiveness of the major city-regions within Europe and globally. Second, we have argued for a more explicit regional policy. Third, we have argued that there is an urgent need to increase significantly the levels of capital investment in city-regions, including public capital investment.

  There is also a case both for extending the length of work placements under New Deal, and for increasing the scope for public and not for profit agencies to provide such placements. Extending the length to two or even three years would enable participants to acquire work discipline, build an attractive CV, and climb out of debt. Extending the role of public and not for profit agencies would increase demand for lower skilled labour in local areas where private sector demand is insufficient to provide the required number of quality placements.

  The above proposals would, we believe, all help to increase the demand for labour in those areas where it is weakest, and support strategies to tackle issues of discrimination and access to jobs.

  Birmingham supports the Government's aim to build personal independence as a route out of social exclusion. Nevertheless, there will always be substantial numbers of households dependent upon Benefits. Often, this will be for non-employment related reasons such as disability or old age. For those households, and particularly those permanently on Benefits, Benefit levels will be the crucial determinant of whether they remain socially excluded or not. Benefits reviews tend to be incremental, based upon adjustments to past Benefit rates, and over time Benefit levels can move out of line with the real cost of living for low income households. Greater emphasis should also be placed on changing the effects of Benefit entitlement. For example, the current model of Housing Benefit generates a market amongst housing providers, and does not address the need of individuals or encourage them to become more independent of government support. Other Benefits demonstrate similar limitations. We therefore believe that there is a strong case for an independent review of the models and levels of Benefit available.

CONCLUSIONS

  We do not believe that the Urban White Paper must seek to answer all the questions. Any attempt to do so will result in more of the incremental change that has achieved such mixed results in the past. The White Paper should provide an initial framework of principles and broad expectations of each key actor—central and local government, private, community and voluntary sectors, etc. This should then be followed by central/local partnership working across the country to explore detail, develop pilots, etc.


 
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