Select Committee on Environment, Transport and Regional Affairs Memoranda


Memorandum by The SURF Centre—University of Salford (UWP 31)

THE PROPOSED URBAN WHITE PAPER

1.  THE SCOPE OF THE WHITE PAPER

  1.1  The SURF Centre considers the Committee's inquiry to be a good opportunity for debate about what are the most appropriate policy instruments and delivery vehicles for promoting urban regeneration and development and improving the quality of life in cities in the 21st century. It is particularly important that the Committee's report conveys to Government a sense of the achievements of "urban" policies, broadly defined, to this point and offers a series of practical recommendations that can overcome some of the difficulties that policy makers and other interested parties in this field have faced. In other words it, like the White Paper itself, needs to indicate what has worked, what remains to be achieved and how. We hope the remainder of this memorandum makes some contribution to this broad goal. However we feel that the opportunity available to the Committee will not be grasped effectively unless it sends three key messages to those charged with preparing the White Paper.

  1.2  First, it is crucial that the White Paper is not viewed only as a response to the Report of the Urban Task Force and an opportunity to operationalise its key recommendations. SURF considers the Task Force's report to be a comprehensive response to the brief it received from Government. However that brief concentrated overwhelmingly upon issues related to the built environment and its contribution to the quality of life in cities. As a result, the Task Force had much to say about urban design, land utilisation and residential attractiveness. But it was unable to focus upon the way in which cities of the future will be sustained economically and how urban and related policies can facilitate restoration and development of the urban employment base. It also had little to say about the policy environment in which urban programmes are developed and how this might be reconfigured to promote more effective responses to urban problems and potential. The White Paper cannot be silent on these issues.

  1.3  Second, the White Paper needs to be framed in such a way that it is consistent with other aspects of the Government's agenda which impinge in potentially important ways upon urban policies and institutional arrangements. In particular, the White Paper needs to pay due regard to the evolving programme of regionalisation and the proposed reform of local government decision-making being developed under the rubric of local democratic renewal. These three central planks of the Government's approach to sub-national policy and institutional development need to be taken forward in parallel. Otherwise there is a danger that the recommendations of the White Paper in respect of urban change will not resonate with, for example, the regional economic strategies of Regional Development Agencies, the potential establishment of new institutions designed to close the "democratic deficit" of the English regions, and the creation of powerful new city Mayors.

  1.4  Third, the White Paper needs to recognise that regular reforms of urban and related policies undertaken by Governments over the last 30 years have not been founded upon a particularly sound evidence base. Government departments have invested considerable resources into measuring the effectiveness of particular policy instruments during that time. A great deal of support has also been made available through UK research councils for programmes of research into myriad aspects of urban change. However these have not resulted in the creation of dedicated, accessible and easily interpreted stocks of information which policy makers can utilise to improve their understanding of the changing nature of cities and urban life and underpin policy innovation. The White Paper needs to be clear about "what needs to be done", but it should also recognise that the way we currently answer that question, and measure the effectiveness of policy initiatives, would be more effective if investment were made in a more robust and sophisticated evidence base.

  1.5  SURF has a number of specific concerns that relate to these three central messages and to other elements of the brief sent to potential respondents. These are set out below.

2.  SPECIFIC RESPONSES TO ELEMENTS OF THE COMMITTEE'S BRIEF

Priorities for implementation from the Urban Task Force report

  2.1  The Committee will no doubt receive evidence on the Task Force recommendations from a broad range of professionals and practitioners with an interest in the built environment. The particular item that we, as academics accustomed to working at the interface of theory and practice, are concerned to see develop is the proposal for Regional Centres of Excellence in Urban Regeneration (RCEURs). This maps onto our general concern with the state of the evidence base for sub-national development policies and the need for integration between the Government's urban and regional agenda. In particular, there is an opportunity to combine improvements in the training of regeneration professionals and the information needs of urban and regional policy makers in a way which supports the Cabinet Office's strategic priority, in its Action Plan for Modernising Government (1999), to develop "a complete framework for excellence in policy-making, including guidelines on best practices, new databases to support evidence-based policy making, and appropriate training and development".

  2.2  The Urban Task Force found that the infrastructure for supporting continuing professional development and training for practitioners engaged in various aspects of urban regeneration was weakly developed and fragmented. It subsequently supported a study of the feasibility of establishing cross-professional RCEURs that drew enthusiastic responses from professional institutions, universities and urban and regional agencies. Relatively little progress has been made, however, in developing specific proposals. A key barrier is that the remit of RCEURs cuts across the funding sources and policy boundaries of the Departments of Employment, Education, and Environment, Transport and the Regions. One way in which the Committee can help facilitate change here would be to request clarification as to how interdepartmental sponsorship and ownership can be built at the regional level and support the development of a national network of RCEURs. In particular, progress could be made if:

    —  The three main Government Departments were required to make specific proposals for the interdepartmental funding of RCEURs; and

    —  Invitations were invited from consortia of users (local authorities, consultancies, developers, voluntary & community organisations), regional organisations (Government Offices, Development Agencies, Regional Assemblies etc), professional institutes (RIBA, RTPI, RICS, Housing Institute, Institute of Local Economic Development officers) and providers (Universities and training agencies) with a view to establishing RCEURs in each region by 2001.

  2.3  The development of RCEURs could be taken forward in parallel with improvements in the evidence base available to urban and regional policy-makers and the enhancement and integration of urban and regional research capacities. Since this is an issue that the RDAs are currently grappling with, and since the RDAs have an important role in establishing a regional framework for urban development and regeneration programmes, there is a strong argument for RCEURs to develop their services in the medium term to encompass urban and regional research and information systems linked to the needs of RDAs and the network of public and private sector agencies involved in urban and regional programmes. In order to do so, they will need to integrate research and information provision at the regional scale. This raises the prior question of what sources currently exist and how they can be brought together more effectively.

  2.4  Currently, urban and regional research and information provision is divided between three principle sets of actors. First, Government Departments, NDPBs and local authorities commission policy oriented research linked to their specific interests. Second, research councils support more general urban research programmes (eg EPSRC on Sustainable Cities, NERC on the Urban Environment and ESRC on Cities and Competitiveness). Third, charitable organisations such as the Joseph Rowntree Foundation and the Leverhulme Trust support individual projects and programmes on aspects of urban and regional development. In addition, there is also a range of European research programmes with strong urban or regional dimensions.

  2.5  Each of the "players" in urban and regional research and information provision defines its own needs, sets questions, identifies priorities and specifies appropriate research methods. But policy makers and academics lack any comprehensive assessment of the collective implications of these different research frameworks. Solutions to the "problems" of cities and regions are linked to the ideas used to understand them. Different urban research programmes therefore embody distinct ways of understanding cities and regions. Because urban policy-makers and researchers are calling for a more sophisticated understanding of the connections between environment, economy and society we need to examine how conventional discipline-based research promotes or restricts the development of an interdisciplinary understanding of cities and regions. In our view, progress towards integrating urban and regional research and information provision at the regional scale needs to start from a ground-clearing exercise which involves policy-makers and researchers in joint discussions about how urban and regional problems are defined and addressed by different research frameworks. In particular, there is an urgent need to build an understanding of:

    —  The central research questions particular frameworks focus upon (or ignore);

    —  What forms of explanation, advice and resources particular research frameworks provide and whether they compete with or complement each other; and

    —  The types of research have been taken up in practice and have shaped policy most effectively.

The integration of policies to foster urban regeneration; policies relevant to towns and suburbs as well as cities

  2.6  The plea for integration has become something of a mantra for those concerned with addressing urban problems that do not respect the functional boundaries between Government and local authority departments and NDPBs or the division of labour between statutory and non-statutory sectors. A great deal of progress has already been made on this issue through the creation of partnerships for the delivery of urban regeneration programmes. The "partnership model" has also been extended by the current Government into new area programmes that concern themselves with more "traditional" service areas such as health, housing and education. Whilst such initiatives are welcome, however, it has to be recognised that they have added still more players to the crowded stage of area initiatives without providing any mechanism for taking an overview of all such initiatives operating within a particular area.

  2.7  Better integration is still desirable at both national and sub-national levels. In the former case, the White Paper should confront the challenge of understanding how different government departments—dealing with health, education, employment, industry, environment, planning, housing etc.—generate their own views of urban and regional futures. Here, we consider there to be a powerful case for undertaking an external review at cabinet level (as was done with Rural Policy) to focus on three questions which can help highlight the degree to which better integration is possible and desirable given current policy trajectories:

    —  What are the explicit or implicit urban and regional components and implications of different government departments' policy frameworks?

    —  What are the resonances and dissonances between different policy frameworks; are they mutually sustaining or pulling in quite different directions? and,

    —  Is it possible to identify an integrated urban policy based around a clear vision of how UK cities and regions might develop or, alternatively, do we need to develop a more complex understanding of urban futures that transcends singular visions such as the compact city?

  2.8  At the sub-national scale, the RDAs are already involved in providing a more coherent and integrated framework for urban regeneration and development policies which takes their social and environmental implications seriously. What seems certain from the Regional Economic Strategies that RDAs have produced so far, however, is that many of their programmes will need to focus upon sub-regional "units" that make more sense than the standard regions either as travel-to-work areas or as localities that people readily identify with. In some cases, this has given rise to sub-regional groupings that potentially provide for policy integration at a scale larger than the district level. This is a positive development upon which the White Paper needs to build insofar as it creates the possibility for policy frameworks and programmes that bring core cities together with neighbouring urban and suburban areas. In principle, at least, it presents an opportunity to overcome the parochiality and inter-district competition that has resulted from area-specific urban programme resources being routed, independently, through district authorities.

  2.9  If this opportunity is to be grasped effectively, though, two sets of preconditions will need to be fulfilled. First, mechanisms will need to be developed whereby the resources channelled into area-specific programmes—by Government Departments and NDPBs as well as RDAs—are grouped together at the metropolitan/city-regional scale. Second, new institutional arrangements or networks of authorities and NDPBs within metropolitan areas/city-regions will need to be developed in order to encourage policy integration at that scale and provide a mechanism for agreement on strategic priorities and the allocation of externally-provided resources. Without such a "stick and carrot" approach, bottom-up partnerships between core cities and their neighbours tend not to generate anything other than lowest common denominator solutions to shared problems. Such improvements in metropolitan/city-regional governing capacity would have obvious implications for Government agenda in respect of the English regions and local government. For example, they would raise serious questions as to whether city Mayors, if they become a reality outside London, should operate at a metropolitan rather than district scale, as is currently assumed. This observation underlines the need for these three planks of Government policy to be made mutually consistent and taken forward together.

3.  SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS

General

  3.1  The White Paper should encompass the Government's response to the Urban Task Force report but must also outline ways in which sustainable economic development and urban employment creation can be supported.

  3.2  The White Paper needs to provide for consistency between the Government's urban agenda and its programmes of regionalisation and local government reform.

  3.3  The White Paper needs to recognise the current limitations in the evidence base for urban policy and outline ways in which it can be improved.

Specific

  3.4  The Urban Task Force recommendation on the creation of Regional Centres of Excellence in Urban Regeneration (RCEURs) needs to be taken forward through interdepartmental funding for regional consortia, incorporating users, regional bodies, professional institutes and providers.

  3.5  RCEURs should be encouraged to develop urban and regional research and information services in the medium term. However the first step towards this goal needs to be agreement between policy-makers and research and information providers about the practical usefulness of current provision in these areas.

  3.6  Exploration of the way policy integration at national level could be made more effective if there were an external, Cabinet level review of how different departmental policy frameworks view urban futures and with what degree of consistency.

  3.7  Better policy integration at sub-regional scale could be achieved through building metropolitan/sub-regional governing capacity and pooling the area-specific resources currently delivered at the district level at that scale.

Professors Ian Cooper, Alan Harding and Simon Maruin

Centre for Sustainable Urban and Regional Futures (SURF Centre)

January 2000


 
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