Select Committee on Environment, Transport and Regional Affairs Appendices to the Minutes of Evidence


Supplementary memorandum by Federal Express (AS 90A)

  I first would like to thank the Committee for providing the opportunity for FedEx's chairman, Mr Frederick W Smith, and myself to give evidence on the status of US-UK air services agreement. Despite the limited amount of time available in the session, the principal issues at stake with regard to a liberalised US-UK air cargo regime received a broad and balanced airing. The Committee should be commended for taking the initiative of revisiting this issue at this time.

  I understand that the Clerk has passed on certain questions still remaining regarding Federal Express' business in Europe and the obstacles that stand in the way of progress towards a more liberalised US-UK air cargo agreement. We would like to respond to these questions first before adding a few brief comments, which we hope will be of use to the Committee in preparing its final report.

OPEN SKIES ELSEWHERE

  With respect to the impact on domestic air freight carriers of open skies agreements with the US, the Aviation & Travel Consultancy report (provided with our initial submission to the Committee) looked at the growth of cargo capacity in two other countries, Germany and the Netherlands. In both countries, growth far outstripped that in the UK—169 per cent in Holland and 73 per cent in Germany, as compared with 24 per cent in the UK. This demonstrates the confidence that these operators have in their future success, which has obviously not been dampened by the introduction of US competition under the open agreements.

  We would also draw attention to the success of operators such as Cargolux and CargoLion in tiny Luxembourg as evidence that opportunities to exploit the significant levels of US international traffic can and have been taken by carriers of similar size to the BCAA members. These carriers have actively embraced the entrée to the US market provided by their country's open skies agreement. Additionally, major carriers such as Lufthansa have dramatically increased their participation in the US export/import market with the advent of cargo open skies, offering new transatlantic freighter operations. With Seventh Freedoms on offer from the US as well as the customary Fifths, it would appear that UK carriers stand to benefit to an even greater extent than many other European carriers in a liberalized environment.

  Airports are also beneficiaries of open skies, and are concomitantly penalized by restrictive agreements such as Bermuda II. Some statistics demonstrating the impact of Bermuda II on air cargo growth at UK airports are set forth in Attachment 1. It compares growth rates at major (in terms of cargo) European and Asian airports in open skies jurisdictions with those at UK airports. Even at the "integrator" airports—those dominated by the express companies—the UK's growth rates lag behind those on the Continent. Stansted and East Midlands, which benefit from major integrator operations, had only a 1 per cent and 4.5 per cent growth, respectively, over the last year, while the rate for Liege (TNT's hub) was 26.8 per cent, CDG (FedEx hub) 22.1 per cent and Brussels (DHL) 9.9 per cent. Only two UK airports experienced double-digit growth: Edinburgh, a regional hub for Royal Mail; and Birmingham—the latter with a rather anomalous 44.8 per cent. The balance of the airports in the UK had growth rates ranging from only 1 per cent to 6.7 per cent, while open skies airports such as Munich in Germany and Seoul in Korea experienced growth at well over 15 per cent.

  In Section 5 of the Aviation and Travel Consultancy report, longer-term growth at airports was examined, looking specifically at London and Amsterdam (prior to slot controls). The report states that between 1990 and 1997, cargo at the three London airports grew by only 68 per cent on an aggregate basis, while at Schipol, cargo grew by 92 per cent.

  As impressive as these figures are, they do not tell the whole story in terms of employment, regional economic growth and increased competitiveness enjoyed by the countries that have participated in all-cargo open skies. There is no reason why similar growth patterns could not be generated and indeed exceeded in the UK should a liberalized air cargo agreement be reached with the US.

CARGO LIBERALIZATION IN THE UK-US NEGOTIATIONS

  Given all those potential benefits, the concern must be that if an agreement on cargo is not realized before the end of this year, it will be delayed for at least another 12 to 18 months. A change in the US presidency at the end of this year and a UK General Election at some point in 2001, will effectively paralyze the negotiation process for some time, and UK shippers, airports and regions will once again be forced to wait. The most recent negotiating session between the US and the UK appeared to be stalled once again by the commercial concerns of the passenger carriers—this time, the potential merger of BA and KLM.

  Mr Devine questions whether liberalisation of air cargo will be a priority for US, and UK negotiators in the upcoming aviation negotiations. Federal Express has made numerous representations to both Governments and now before both a Senate Hearing and your own Committee to the effect that air cargo must not be overlooked once more in pursuit of a new agreement. Traditionally treated as the poor relation of passenger issues, air cargo liberalisation has been "just around the corner" according to successive US and UK administrations. However, we have reason to believe that this will change. In June this year the US Department of Transportation reaffirmed its commitment to dealing with both passenger and cargo issues in any new bilateral agreement.

THE EFFECT OF THE BCAA

  As we sought to clarify for the Committee during oral evidence, apart from the fact that we both fly planes with no seats, comparing the business of integrators such as Federal Express, and the BCAA members is both misleading and counterproductive. While Federal Express (along with UPS, DHL and TNT) offer regular, scheduled express services, the British operators essentially provide charters for those seeking one-off or ad hoc deliveries as well as leasing their aircraft to airlines seeking to hold out freighter services. To meet the special needs of the types of operators, the US has offered not only Fifth Freedom rights, but also Seventh Freedoms. With those rights, charters may easily be offered by UK carriers in the US export-import market without any linkage to the homeland.

  The extent to which the UK Government's room for compromise within the talks will be restricted by pressure from these "British" carriers is difficult to predict. We were amused to see from the transcript of the evidence that the BCAA now describes TNT and DHL as "supporters" of these British interests. TNT, the express arm of TPG Groep NV (the Dutch post office) of course, is not an airline at all, but contracts out its aircraft to various European operators, including Air Foyle, a BCAA member. TNT is now in the process, however, of forming a wholly-owned Belgian air carrier based at Liege, which action eventually will result in the removal to the Belgian registry of the nine BAE146 aircraft which Air Foyle operates. The DHL network includes two airlines whose operations touch the UK—a US carrier (which has no Fifth Freedom rights at all, due to the strictures of Bermuda II) and a Belgian carrier, EAT, based at Brussels.

  The BCAA is asking that the UK government obtain cabotage for its members, a right that neither the US nor the UK have granted to any country through the bilateral process. Under US law, cabotage operations are forbidden in all but emergency circumstances. This statute would have to be amended in order to accommodate the desires of these carriers, which is simply not in the political cards during this election year. The effect of the BCAA's position is to impose an impossible condition on the negotiators, for the foreseeable future. Furthermore, we question whether cabotage is as important an issue for the BCAA as they make out. In his evidence, Sir Michael Bishop explained to you why he believed that cabotage is a non-issue for passenger carriers. In the cargo context, it is not just a non-issue, but it is worse than that—it is a bar to any further progress.

"RUSSIAN" AIRCRAFT

  I know that you requested the BCAA to give you data on Russian aircraft operations, but I also hope that you look at other former Soviet aircraft held out under the names of BCAA carriers. Heavylift, one of the BCAA members, does in fact wet-lease Russian aircraft, according to CAA records, painting them with the livery of both Heavylift and Volga-Dnepr (the Russian airline that owns and operates them). However, another BCAA member also benefits from Antonov aircraft, this time on the Ukrainian registry, without "operating" them in the technical sense of the word. Air Foyle, a UK AOC holder, acts as "exclusive GSA" for the Ukrainian Antonov Airlines, and those large aircraft are painted with both Air Foyle and Antonov livery.

CONCLUSIONS

  Based on conversations with a wide range of officials and government representatives, there appears to be a general recognition of the wider benefits to UK business consumers and employees from a more liberalized regime. These benefits were outlined in the Aviation and Travel Consultancy's report. In offering UK negotiators Fifth and Seventh Freedom rights and a reformed wet-lease/charter regime, the US administration is, in our view, providing the basis for a reciprocal agreement by any definition. The US export/import air cargo market is a rich one for airlines—seven times larger than the UK market, in 1998. What is on offer to the UK carriers is not only valuable, but a package unrivalled by any other country with whom the US has negotiated an open skies agreement, according to US officials.

  Mr Smith has personally been engaged for around 20 years in efforts to try to liberalize Bermuda II, which is, as Sir Michael Bishop reminded the committee in evidence following ours, one of the most restrictive aviation agreements still in existence. While encouraged by the recent statements from both the US and UK governments, FedEx remain cautious in light of the many false dawns that have been witnessed down through the years.

  As an island economy, and with its track record as a trading nation and supporter of free competition, the UK can no longer afford to be left isolated amongst its major European counterparts. Federal Express' written submission to the Committee highlighted the relatively small amount of cargo moved by air from the UK compared to other EU Member States. Figures were also produced demonstrating the comparative lack of success that the UK has had in convincing major US and Asian companies to site their European Distribution Centers in the UK.

  Federal Express remains ready and committed to expanding our UK business under a new agreement. As Mr Smith stated to the Committee, we will re-instate wide-bodied service into Scotland as soon as an open skies agreement for air cargo is agreed between the UK and US. This will be backed by further investment at our Stansted and Scottish facilities and, in time, commitment to other regional airports, which will be used to feed into our UK and European hubs. Not only will this create additional jobs, it will improve services to customers, stimulate regional economic growth and increase the competitive position of UK companies. This catalytic effect was recognized by the Transport Committee in its 1994 report, and its recommendations regarding air cargo liberalization are ones that Federal Express continues to wholeheartedly endorse. It is our sincere hope that now, six years after that report, both the UK and US governments will now demonstrate the political will to act upon those recommendations.

M Rush O'Keefe Jr

Vice President—Regulatory

16 June 2000


 
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