Select Committee on Environment, Transport and Regional Affairs Appendices to the Minutes of Evidence


Supplementary memorandum by the Aviation Forum (AS 18A)

SPECIFIC JOB LOSSES ARISING FROM ASA

  In response to the Select Committee's question about specific job losses emerging from a revised ASA. We would like to offer very much, a rough estimate. We hope the committee is aware of the methodological problems in forecasting an event, which must necessarily rely on scenarios.

  Excluding maintenance staff and adjusted for stage length recent estimates calculate for 160 staff per aircraft in BA. Dividing this by the average utilisation with some adjustment for staffing which is about 17 staff per aircraft. Taking the long haul average staffing figure we would expect about 25 direct on board staff per aircraft. With a loss of one frequency on each route served that would translate into 120 direct job losses. Assuming half that frequency loss (operation on alternate days of an additional service rather than the current situation) we would envisage half that total. We cannot calculate the additional job losses, which would result from loss of transfer traffic and the general long term weakening of BA's position. We would argue that there would be an offset with the entry of British Midland, but the strength and pricing power of US carriers leads us to believe it would be overall negative.

  If US airlines use their full frequency entitlement we would estimate job losses in the following region:


BA Scenario (reduced rounding frequency)
Virgin Scenario
Scenario
I total loss of frequency on route
0.5 loss (halving one frequency on route)
Reduced frequency

LHR-JFK*
25
12.5
12.5
LHR-IAD**
25
12.5
12.5
LHR-BOS**
25
12.5
12.5
LHR-EWR**
25
12.5
12.5
LHR-SFO**
25
12.5
12.5
120
65
65


  Notes:

  *There could be additional loss from the re-allocation of LHR SH frequencies by BM to their LH network.

  **These might be expected to result from the shift of slots towards long haul. The employment effect would be largely neutral or even positive as there would be a redeployment towards LH, with greater crewing requirement.

  We emphasise the exploratory nature of these estimates. It is difficult to accurately predict the effects of a planned change on jobs. We can openly work with current estimates and develop scenarios. Proper econometric work would need to be carried out to arrive at more robust estimates. We believe that the absolute short-term job losses would in any case be secondary to the relative effect of losing vital position at London Heathrow, which could of course have multiplier effects for UK employment more generally.

FARES TRENDS UNDER DIFFERENT REGULATORY REGIMES

  During our appearance at the DETR Transport Sub-committee, we draw attention to certain evidence throwing light on the consumer benefits claimed for airline deregulation and also on the alleged disbenefits of Bermuda II. The Sub-committee may find it helpful to have the references together with a brief commentary upon the significance of the data.

1.  THE LONG-TERM USER BENEFITS OF US DE-REGULATION

  1.1  Spectacular reductions in fares have repeatedly been claimed for US airline deregulation. For example, it is often pointed out that average airline yields have been reduced substantially since 1978. ("Average yield" may be taken as the weighted average fare, and is thus a more objective measure than the highly selective tariff examples quoted by particular interests).

  1.2  Evaluationsof the EU experience also tend to take a similar form, starting with the "Third Package" regime, and making little attempt to put developments in proper historical perspective.

  1.3  By courtesy of Melvin A Brenner Associates, we exhibited a diagram showing the long term trend in yield per revenue passenger mile for the US domestic industry in real terms over the post-war period. The broad trend after de-regulation is obviously a continuation of that before the change in regime. The fact is that US deregulation has had no discernible effect upon the trend.

  1.4  Calculations by other distinguished specialists have come to similar results, and we doubt that any amount of reworking of Mr Brenner's assumptions and calculations would come to significantly different conclusions. Moreover, the trend of traffic growth shows similar characteristics.

  1.5  As these facts are impossible to explain away, some interests tend to argue that pre-deregulation yield reductions were due to the progress of technology. It is thus implied that the reducing fares trend happened despite the (then) US regulatory system. This is wrong on two main counts.

  1.6  Under old-style US regulation, although competition was muted, the carriers enjoyed only modest profits. They demonstrably failed to appropriate the fruits of technological progress. It could therefore only have been regulatory mechanisms which ensured that technological benefits were enjoyed by passengers rather than employees or shareholders.

  1.7  Moreover, during the last two decades, there have been advances in propulsion technology (increased range, lower fuel consumption and reduced operating costs), in airframe design (weight savings and increased payload), in control techniques (better operational performance and flight crew reductions) and also in aspects such as Computerised Reservation Services and yield management.

  1.8  It is thus simply not credible to argue that technology was a greater influence before de-regulation that it has been afterwards. Technology certainly does generate cost reductions but the leading question is: who benefits from those reductions, and by what mechanism?

2.  THE EXPERIENCE WITH BERMUDA II

  2.1  We also exhibited a diagram from the report produced in 1996 for American Airlines Inc by Roberts, Roach & Associates (RRA) entitled "Economics Benefits of US-UK Open Skies".

  2.2  On UK/US fares, RRA point out that "during 65 years of this industry's recorded history . . . prices have steadily fallen in real terms". (Page 38) Indeed, RRA's diagram, as shown to the Sub-committee, demonstrates that "real UK/US yields have fallen by two thirds over the last 30 years."(Page 37)

  2.3  No doubt RRA's calculation could be re-done with different assumptions, but the trend is clear beyond doubt. Even after allowing for oil price increases, Bermuda II has encouraged average real yields to decline at a rate comparable with anything that happened before the Treaty was signalled.

  2.4  As for selective comparisons involving particular tariffs, certain business fares are high, compared to continental Europe to America fares, following the Civil Aviation Authority's decision to stop holding down fares which it judged to be unreasonably high. (See the CAA publication, Airline Competition on Long Haul Routes, CAP 639, November 1994, para 52).

  2.5  Facts in the same document also contradict the simplistic view that increasing the number of competing airlines per se tends to increase price competition for business traffic. To quote CAA again: "On some of these (UK/US) routes BA faces three or even four non-stop competitors . . . but there appears to be no correlation between the number of non-stop competitors and the fare levels".

3.  WHAT FACTORS DRIVE COST AND FARE REDUCTIONS?

  3.1  According to CAA: "The principle driver of changes in passenger demand is changes in gross domestic product . . . there is also a large unexplained variable . . . it is likely but not demonstrable that this element is an income effect, namely a change in preferences which comes about as a result of changes in income rather than a change in relative price." (CAA, "Traffic Distribution Policy for the London Area . . .", CAP 548, para 2.06.)

  3.2  And the "main determinant of growth in unconstrained passenger demand will continue to be the rate of growth of GDP and of consumer expenditure." ("Traffic Distribution Policy . . . The Next 15 years", CAP 570, 1990, para 4.03).

  3.3  The "major factors affecting air fares are thought to be changes to oil prices and other aircraft operating costs . . . liberalisation in Europe is expected to have only a modest effect." CAP 570, op cit. (A somewhat different emphasis in "The Single European Aviation Market: the first five years", CAP 685, may be due to a failure to look at developments in proper perspective).

4.  THE AVIATION FORUM'S CONCLUSIONS

  4.1  The Aviation forum draws no black and white conclusions from this data. We do, however, feel that experience clearly shows that competition should not be seen as an end in itself but as one of several possible mechanisms for securing benefits for users, airlines, employees and the UK economy.

  4.2  Consistently with this, we are not dogmatic about whether Bermuda II should be revised or a wholly new treaty negotiated. It would be perfectly possible to adopt a liberal approach to services from UK regional airports and to widen opportunities for new carriers at Heathrow while firmly retaining the concept of a balanced and managed regime. Once we draw lessons from the industrial facts as opposed to simplistic dogmas, the way is clear for pragmatism and common sense.

June 2000


 
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