Select Committee on European Scrutiny Minutes of Evidence



Examination of Witnesses (Questions 180 - 200)

THURSDAY 27 JANUARY 2000

RT HON NEIL KINNOCK, MRS JAN ROYALL AND MR STEVE MORRIS

  180. And the motion that led to that, contrary to the impression given by the Socialist or the Labour Parties in the European Parliament, and indeed even the Conservative Party, was the actual motion that was driven by the Euro-realists who actually put down the motion that led to the Commission going as you know. You may not agree that they are Euro-realists but you know the people I am talking about.
  (Commissioner Kinnock) I think you would have to go through the events again in order to get the correct series of activities because, of course, there was no resolution before the European Parliament, nor had there been one for two months at the time of the resignation of the Commission. We can debate this for a very long time but I think the point that I want to emphasise is simply that in order to accurately describe the passage of events it is necessary to get those events in the proper chronological and systematic order and to understand who did or who did not make a contribution to the combination of the resolution passed by the European Parliament in January and the decision by the Commission to resign, as it happens collectively, on 15 March. The only point that I was making, and I do not want to labour it any further, was that Mr Van Buitenen's activities took place in December when decisions and dispositions had already been taken up so far as the discharge of the 1997 Budget was concerned. So his efforts were dramatic and they illuminated some, but they were coincidental rather than contributory. As I say again, in saying that as a fair description of what went on I am not trying to isolate or to unduly condemn Mr Van Buitenen, I am simply trying to put these affairs, which are important affairs, into perspective.

  Mr Casale: I would ask the Commissioner to reaffirm this point because certainly as far as I am concerned it would not restore public confidence in the Commission to operate a kind of lynch mob approach and simply take people out for the sake of it; But what would restore confidence in the Commission much more is for due process and due procedure to be observed and proper protection to be in place; and at the same time a firm hand must be taken in dealing with these matters but a fair hand as well.

  Chairman: I think that was a comment in support.

Mr Paterson

  181. This could be taken both ways. You said on 14 January that when you had your previous portfolio you were too preoccupied to realise the extent of the Commission's problems. In some ways you have exonerated your ex-colleagues on the Commission as not having made personal gain.
  (Commissioner Kinnock) Let me interrupt, Mr Hood. That was done by the Committee of Independent Experts. I was quoting them almost with precision. Certainly I can provide the extract.

  182. Okay. Large sums of public money did disappear and that was why there was the crisis last year. Would you agree with your new colleague, Mr Poul Nielson from Denmark, who said that "... after five months in the job it is now clear to me who owns the Commission. It is not necessarily the Commissioners but prominent staff at a high level".
  (Commissioner Kinnock) I have actually talked to Poul Nielson about that, who is a good friend as well as a good colleague. The reference that Poul was making was certainly not unprecedented amongst Ministers and Commissioners since time immemorial. It is that Ministers and Commissioners are, almost by definition, transitory, even if it is for a fixed quinquennium or for even a longer period, but civil servants are permanent. It will not come as a surprise to any Member of this Committee to know that from time to time, Commissioners and Ministers say that the very permanence of the Civil Service does give them a substantial influence on the conduct of affairs. Knowing Poul Nielson as I do, no-one would accept the idea that this is other than a strong, self-determined, highly intelligent man who is capable of looking after himself in circumstances where there is great permanence and great talent in the Civil Service. Poul will undertake his political responsibilities, which is the function of a Commissioner, he will not seek to administer his department or any other part of the Commission, but he does command respect and he will command respect because of his innate ability and transparency amongst his colleagues and amongst the professionals who work with him in the Civil Service. I do not think his contribution should be exaggerated, or the contribution that was published should be exaggerated or misunderstood.

Chairman

  183. Mr Kinnock, I would like to move on to Pillar Three, financial management. How practical will it be to make progress with the proposed changes before a new Financial Regulation and Staff Regulation can be adopted?
  (Commissioner Kinnock) If I can separate out the two sets of regulations, Mr Hood. What we have set in place, as you will see in the reform strategy, is a transition system which will take us from the conventions that are currently operated in financial management through to the time when, following the amendment of the Financial Regulation, we have a new system fully established. Because of the urgency of the situation we are able, within the terms of the law, to proceed with the appointment of a potential head of the new Audit Service and on May 1 to establish that new Audit Service. That is completely consistent with the law. In addition, we can make further developments with, for instance, the establishment of a Central Financial Services Unit which will be available for advice and counselling and examination and support to the decentralised financial controllers that will eventually go to the Directorates-General. In other words, the system of transition will be completely coherent with the law and will provide us with a welcome opportunity for preparation of the fully employed system which will come into force the moment that the amended Financial Regulation permits it. As I said earlier, I do not anticipate undue delay in the necessary amendment by the Council and Parliament of the Financial Regulation. So far as the Staff Regulation is concerned, there are some changes, for instance like those relating to training and other developments that we would like to take, in the promotion of equal opportunities, the encouragement of officials and a number of other developments—we can go through those if you like—that can be proceeded with without amendment to the Staff Regulations. The other areas, for instance in changing the career structure to one which will enable more officials of suitable quality to move from what is now a stratified rating system into a linear career structure, which will require changes in the Staff Regulation, and of course changes cannot be made without the law being changed. Again, I do not reasonably anticipate undue delay in the passage of the law. What I have said to colleagues in the Council, as well as to Members of the European Parliament in a Committee, is that we want consideration of the changes to be thorough, as befits democratic institutions. But we do urge that there is no undue delay because the whole of the Union and every Member State in it, as well as the European Parliament, and the staff of the Commission, have got a direct vested interest in getting a renovated and improved system.

Mr Dobbin

  184. You have just referred to the decentralising of financial control to the DGs. Along with that there is power and responsibility. Do you feel that the DG staff will be willing and able to assume those new responsibilities? Of course as part of that you will have to set up monitoring and an advisory system as well, will that be able to weed out the poor performers?
  (Commissioner Kinnock) I am grateful for that because it does permit me to underline again the fact, as we set it down in the reform strategy, that the full allocation of financial control responsibilities on a decentralised basis to the Directorates-General will only be made when there is absolutely satisfactory evidence of the fact that the unit responsible in the Directorate-General is capable of fulfilling those financial control responsibilities. That capability will be checked by the new Audit Service, as well as counselled by the new Financial Services Unit. That is the primary safeguard, that the DGs will not be proceeding with the full operation of this system unless and until they manifest their ability to do so. The second essential thing, as Mr Dobbin suggests in his question, is that there are inbuilt safeguards in the form of the operation of the new financial management structures. These are necessary, not just at the outset of the new system but continually in order to ensure, for instance through the Audit Progress Board, that the recommendations of the Audit Service are implemented and carried through and that the Central Financial Services Unit is available at all times to provide basic standards and to provide advice on the application of those standards. Now, so far as the people who will be charged with the responsibilities are concerned, most of them will come from the very capable financial control Directorate-General we have at the present time. What we are seeking to do, completely consistent with the strong recommendation of the Committee of Independent Experts, and indeed the Court of Auditors, is to move away from a centralised, inherited, ex ante visa system of financial control to one in which, in the Directorates-General, decisions on spending are taken, so that there is an absolute connection between that spending decision and the accountability for that spending decision to a degree which is not possible when the centralised system is employed. The other point I would like to make about the deficiency of the current system is that the deficiency is not one of integrity or the ability of the people who are charged with financial control responsibilities. I think everybody testifies to that. The deficiency is that when those decisions are taken to spend money in the Directorates-General, there is a feeling that if the intentions are not fulfilled then there is a centralised checking system to be able to rely on. This is in an institution that undertakes half a million financial transactions a year. By definition, the ex ante system can only be exercised on the basis of sampling and, although the sampling is by general standards substantial, it is still around about 30 per cent. Consequently that system is inadequate as a way of advising effective financial decision making. So the change that we are making is substantially related to the lessons learned from that and will overcome those weaknesses. A decentralised financial control system, in short, that is fully accountable, properly counselled by Central Financial Services, subject to rigorous audit and then having to follow through the advice of the audit system because of the attentions of the Audit Progress Report. So, wherever possible, we are seeking to implement the "belt and braces" philosophy, strongly recommended by the Committee of Experts and by the Court of Auditors, and I think good advice. The last point I would make is this: in making these changes in the allocation of financial responsibility and the use of an audit system, we are bringing the Commission into line with the best practice of ten Member States that are already using these systems, including our own, and, in addition to that, two Member States are in an advanced stage of contemplating similar changes. So it is the convention of the European Union. We learn from the best practice of that, and we apply it in the Executive Administration.

Mr Casale

  185. Commissioner, how quickly can you reduce reliance on the technical Assistance Offices, which have caused problems in the past with financial accountability?
  (Commissioner Kinnock) To some extent the rhythm of doing that is determined by two factors. One, the speed with which we can get procedural changes necessary to enable it to take place but, because there is a degree of consensus, or I believe consensus, between the Commission and the Parliament on that, I do not think that should be subject to undue delay. Secondly, there are contractual considerations. Obviously we are not going to guillotine contracts which have been honestly entered into, so to some degree the process of transition will be determined by the length of existing contracts. The other thing that has to be said is that there will be not many different systems but there will be a degree of diversity in the managing of external activities, for this very simple reason: some of those activities are very substantial and they lend themselves to explicit systems of management and accountability quite easily, and we can make progress there using the system that has been suggested both in the Parliament and the Commission as a preferable alternative to the current system. Of course, there are other contracts which are fairly small and do not lend themselves to that system. Where we can get a critical mass of associated projects then we can use the reformed system. For those projects that may be many in number but are very, very small in budget some system that is similar to the current technical assistance system may continue to be used. In every case there will be a judicious and well informed choice. We will not generalise, we will particularise so that we get the best accountability and the best achievable system of management.

Ms Jones

  186. I have just got three short questions to do with the new Anti Fraud Office. You said in reply to an earlier question the new Director takes up his place on March 1st, if I heard that right. Could you just confirm who the new Director is going to be accountable to, who they will be answerable to? The second one is about resourcing of the Anti Fraud Office, how is its resourcing going to compare with its predecessor, is it going to be on the same level or is it going to be more? Finally, I do not know if I heard you rightly, did you say the Anti Fraud Office is going to be up and running by May 1st? If I did not hear that correctly, could you just say when you expect it to be fully operational?
  (Commissioner Kinnock) Thank you. The new Anti Fraud Office has been operational since June of last year following the passage through the Council and Parliament of the new regulation governing the establishment and operation of that office. Regulation, of course, is law by the Council and Parliament. It was established as an independent office. In the original proposal the Commission made there would not have been any form of connection between the office and any institution, including the Commission. The Parliament's view was, however, that a degree of connection was necessary in order to ensure that all are operating in the environment that it was intended to police, for want of a better word. That is why, logistically, the Commission has responsibility for paying OLAF officials and providing premises and so on. In all other respects the office is completely independent. In that sense it is publicly accountable and not connected to any of the institutions. I believe that is how it should be. The responsibility for the appointment of the director of OLAF unavoidably was allocated to the Commission in the Regulationand we went through a very exacting system of selection, publishing internationally a notice of intended appointment which attracted, I think I am right in saying, 492 applicants who were then narrowed down to a shortlist of over a hundred, a further shortlist of 90 and then, eventually, by exacting examination of the various qualifications, to a shortlist which was interviewed by the Parliament, assessed by the Council and interviewed by the Commission. The result was, as I say, that Dr Brauner was appointed. Currently he is working on establishing a new judicial system in Bosnia-Herzegovina. He is an international lawyer of high reputation and I am sure that he will be a very effective appointment. The resourcing of the Anti Fraud Office is the obligation of the European Union and all its institutions. Clearly in order to enable it to do its comprehensive work with full effect, we will be waiting to hear from Herr Brauner about the personnel needs that he has. Already, the commitment has been made to a build up of staff, I cannot quote the figure precisely but it does mean a very significant increase is already committed. By definition that has to be gradual and we have to await the appointment of a new director so that he could offer his assessment of potential candidates in what are very responsible investigatory and legal jobs. It is fundamental, however, to ensure and to guarantee that in all respects, other than the Commission's duty to meet the resource obligations and personnel appointment obligations of having this office, the office is completely independent.

  187. Right.
  (Commissioner Kinnock) Its independence is further guaranteed by ensuring that the body that supervises these activities generally is detached from all the European Union institutions and is itself independent and not obligated in any way to any of the institutions.

Mr Paterson

  188. The Commission in the past has often disputed the Court of Auditors' Reports, can you comment on the three proposals which might improve relations between the Court and the Commission. Would it be a good idea to strengthen the European Parliament's Budgetary Control Committee? Do you think the European Parliament should be given the power to dismiss individual Commissioners for maladministration or fraud? Do you think the European Commission should be made personally responsible in any EU law which might be administered by them mirroring current obligations on officials?
  (Commissioner Kinnock) Thank you very much. I am in favour of strengthening Parliamentary bodies. For instance, I have very great respect for the work of the Public Accounts Committee in this House. Without having details of what is proposed in terms of strengthening of the Budgetary Control Committee, which is colloquially known as COCOBU, it would be unrealistic of me to comment. But, I believe that in the Commission there is a strong readiness to be fully accountable to that and other parliamentary committees in the European Parliament. The changes that were proposed by the Commission yesterday in the regulation relating to public access to documents for instance are, I believe, a further manifestation of the Commission's eagerness to be more accountable than the institution has ever been before. I think developments are moving in the right direction. If you want to specify what you mean by strengthening I will happily comment on that. Secondly, in relation to allocating the power to dismiss individual Commissioners: obviously if the Member States want to make a Treaty change that would permit that, that is what would occur. I believe actually that the requirements set down by Romano Prodi, who has a Presidential office that is defined in the Treaty and is more authoritative than has previously been the case, and the fact that each individual Commissioner, Member of the current Commission has given a solemn and public undertaking that if asked to resign by the President they will immediately resign, are developments which I regard to be healthy. In the deliberations that the Commission had yesterday on our Opinion submitted to the Inter Governmental Conference we advocated that arrangements similar to that should be considered for inclusion in the Treaty. So I believe that fundamental responsibility for making decisions of this kind should rest with the person charged by the European Council and the Treaty to fulfil those obligations. As an interim development, the readiness of the current Commission to bear individual responsibility if required to do so by the President I think is a productive advance. So far as holding the Commissioners personally responsible, I have got no resistance to that. I feel personally responsible in any case and I do everything I can to discharge my responsibilities with efficiency and integrity. I wonder about the practicality of setting down individual responsibility in the Treaty since, in some respects, Commissioners equate to Ministers and it is not typical, I do not think indeed it is even known, for Ministers to bear the form of responsibility which is being suggested in the question. Obviously if a Commissioner, or indeed a Minister, can be shown to be guilty of negligence or of deliberate maladministration, the individual should bear the full penalties in any case.

  189. Can I just pick up one example you have had recently, actually from a Conservative MEP. The desk officer in charge of the Ivory Coast has suggested that £18 million of £70 million going missing was not grave enough to warrant disciplinary action. This MEP had written to you in exasperation because it does not seem to me there is a mechanism through which he can get this individual who appears not to be taking seriously the disappearance of a substantial sum of taxpayers' money.
  (Commissioner Kinnock) I heard, Mr Hood, this morning that Mr Nirj Deva, Conservative Member of the European Parliament, had written to me along these lines. Mr Deva may or may not know that a very comprehensive reply was provided last week to a French Member of the European Parliament, Mr Jean-Pierre, about the case that is specified. I will very happily provide the Committee with the full response which demonstrates that the Government in question has undertaken to make full reparation of the misallocated resources, and indeed has repaid, I think, something like 60 per cent and is continuing to do so. So far as allegations relating to officials are concerned, I will take counsel on that, as naturally I would do in compiling a full reply to Mr Deva. It would not be advisable for me at this juncture to make an off the cuff statement about the liability or treatment of an individual official of the Commission for reasons that I am sure the Committee would understand. What I am confident of, having seen the response provided to Mr Jean-Pierre last week, is that the Commission has acted with rigour, that when the case was first discovered by the Commission, I think something like two years ago, immediate action was taken, and that action is proving to be effective in terms of the recovery of substantial sums of money which were improperly used. I hope that the result will be full repayment. As I say, I will provide details of the comprehensive reply I will give to Mr Deva.

Mr Cash

  190. Mr Kinnock, we know the Commission has a responsibility overall with regard to financial matters but, of course, 80 per cent of European Commission expenditure is in fact channelled through the Member States. At a rather crucial time in John Major's Government, when I was making myself busy keeping a watch on these matters, I put forward a proposal that the Public Accounts Committee, through mechanisms which are available, could work more closely with the Court of Auditors. We have a very distinguished Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee now, Mr David Davis. Certainly it seems to me to be a very good idea, and I think I am right in saying Sir John Bourn would agree with me on this, as he indicated to me in the past, that we should have a greater degree of control within each Parliament in co-operation with the other Member States through the Public Accounts Committee, but not only exclusively with respect to the British Parliament. The question which arises is why is it that we do not insist or arrange or encourage the other Member States to have the same rigorous examination of the expenditure which relates to these huge sums of money within each of the Member States? In a nutshell, to have public accounts committees in each of the Member States working as efficiently as our's does. The second question, if I may, because I think that is an important question, is there are some investigations going on at the moment, so we are to believe, into Mr Romano Prodi, and one can only say if that is the case there is, as Vice President of the Commission, quite clearly a need for you to be looking very carefully and responsibly, of course, at the extent to which any of these investigations have substance which could lead to another embarrassment within the Commission of the kind that we saw last year. Could you be kind enough to comment on the general question that I have put about the importance of improving the quality of investigation in each of the Member States and, secondly, to comment on the nature of the observations that you yourself are now engaged in to ensure that you are completely apprised as to the allegations that are being made against Mr Romano Prodi and, if anything was to be triggered in terms of the prosecution, what steps you would take as Vice President of the Commission?
  (Commissioner Kinnock) I will answer the two questions in the order in which they were asked. In principle I would do nothing but encourage the closest possible co-operation between the Court of Auditors, individual parliaments, the Comptroller and Auditor General and counterparts in all Member States. I think that would add to the form of co-operation that we have strongly advocated to ensure that the 85 per cent of the Union budget that is administered in Member States is administered with maximum efficiency, maximum effect and with maximum safeguards.

  191. Could I be very quick and ask you this too, because I think it is important in answering this particular question. You know the procedures well enough in the House of Commons before the Public Accounts Committee and the rigour with which these civil servants and others are called before the Committee. I would just like in this context to ask you can you see the other Member States, without mentioning any in particular, actually allowing that to happen?
  (Commissioner Kinnock) There are several Member States that would insist,( and it would be invidious for me to list) that their parliamentary counterparts to the Public Accounts Committee are as effective. They have counterparts of the Comptroller and Auditor General, they have counterparts of the Court of Auditors and the Member States would give evidence of the fact that they seek to demonstrate rigour at a level which will be acceptable to Mr Cash and any other dispassionate examiner of what goes on. I think that the practice, the character, the traditions as well as the performance of the Public Accounts Committee is worthy of admiration and I think that the same case would be made by several of my colleagues from other Member States.

  192. From some other Member States?
  (Commissioner Kinnock) From some other Member States. I am not sufficiently familiar with the provisions in detail in every Member State, some I do know and some, I would be happy to testify, are extremely rigorous and effective in detecting misuse or incompetent use of public funds. I think there is strong evidence to demonstrate that is the case. As I said, it would be invidious for me to try and rank the Member States in terms of rigour.

  193. Excuse me. In fact, of course, it is essential, given the fact that there is movement towards this so-called political union, that in fact there should be equivalence of treatment because, after all, we end up by paying our contribution to the whole, so as far as we are concerned it would be, shall we say, a pretty poor state of affairs for us to have to rely on the fact that 50 per cent did it properly but the other 50 per cent were allowed to get away with it. So you would, if I may suggest, have responsibility to ensure that the other 50 per cent comes up to the level of the 50 per cent that does the job as well as they should do.
  (Commissioner Kinnock) I understand the nature of the question, Mr Hood, and I would simply say that, like Mr Cash, I am a positive evangelist for identifying and ensuring the implementation of best practice. I think that whilst the practice in our country, here in the United Kingdom, is very good, indeed excellent, there are many who would suggest that there is equivalent performance in other Member States and that there should be equivalent performance in every Member State. Not only for the general European Union reasons that Mr Cash very fairly suggests, I totally agree with him, but also, of course, in terms of the effectiveness and accountability in the financial affairs of every single Member State. If I can move to the question raised about the President of the Commission, Romano Prodi. I have seen the allegations in the newspapers in exactly the same fashion as Mr Cash. I have also seen the statements that have come from President Prodi, very confident statements. I am aware also of the convention of the conduct of the law in Italy and the way in which cases can be returned to repetitively Like any fair minded person, therefore, I will await the outcome of the present round of further investigations that have been undertaken in the Italian judicial system. From what I know of Romano Prodi and of the application to his tasks, which he conducts with integrity, I think that the assertion that he has made with great confidence that there is not a blemish on his character is one made with justice.

  194. You would not say—finally—that the kind of excuse that is being offered with respect to Mr Craxi, for example, in the newspapers in the last couple of days and in the context of Chancellor Kohl, that somehow or other there should be a form of amnesty on account of their enthusiastic promotion of political union, you would regard this as a pretty absurd proposition?
  (Commissioner Kinnock) I think that is eclectic reasoning, I use the word "reasoning" in its broadest sense, and I think that it borders on being defamatory even with the protection of Parliament, quite proper protection of Parliament. To make connections between the allegations levelled at former Chancellor Kohl and the evidence of very grave misconduct by former Prime Minister Craxi and the allegations that have been made in recent times about Romano Prodi is I think not really worthy of Mr Cash as the honourable man that I know him to be.

  195. They are separate questions, they were to be divorced from one another. There was not meant to be any direct connection between them. I want to make that quite clear. In fact, I put my question with respect to Mr Prodi in very measured terms and I referred specifically to the question of allegations that we have read in the newspapers and I think that is a fair way to describe it. I too believe that people have to be given the opportunity to be able to answer questions in due course in the proper form. I entirely divorce the idea of putting the two things together.
  (Commissioner Kinnock) I am very happy to have provided Mr Cash with an opportunity to put that on the record because I knew that was really his sentiment.

Chairman

  196. Commissioner, I wonder if I could move on to a general point. I am seeing the Commission's recommendations on reform of the Commission as to the maximum numbers of Commissioners and I see there is a proposal here for a maximum of 20 Commissioners in relation to future enlargement. Has there been any view sought of the applicant countries as to such a proposal?
  (Commissioner Kinnock) I am grateful for that question. There have been discussions, as one would expect, with the applicant states in a variety of fora but no conclusions have been drawn, and indeed since they are not members of the Union yet one would not expect conclusions to be drawn. What I would refer to is the discussion that took place in the College of Commissioners yesterday and the document that we produced as a consequence which has been widely publicised in this morning's press. In that document the issue of numbers of Commissioners, the size of the Commission, is addressed. The conclusion by the College was that the fairest contribution that could be made to deliberations in the IGC and to public debate was to present two options for consideration, together with some detail about the implications of adopting either. The reason it was put in this setting of course is that the Commission's involvement in the IGC is limited, absolutely rightly, to the submission of opinions. The Commission does not play any form of conclusive role in making decisions about the outcomes of Inter-Governmental Conferences' as the name of the Conferences suggests. The two options offer the idea of a Commission appointed by national rotation so that at some period of time not all Member States would have a Commissioner around the table. There are rational arguments offered for developing such a system to do with proportionality, to do with size, to do with the efficiency of the conduct of the Commission, the number of portfolios to be managed, powers of the President and I am sure the Committee is familiar, and will become increasingly familiar, with the pros and cons of that approach. I have to say speaking personally, none of the arguments offered in favour of some system of rotation or a system that would at any time have less than one Commissioner per Member state has persuaded me. For a long time past I have taken the view that, both in terms of public reassurance and in the interests of demonstrating the multi-national nature of the Executive body, it is always going to be necessary to have one Commissioner per Member State. I long ago took the view that, with anticipated enlargement, it was unrealistic to assume that any Member State would retain two Commissioners. Obviously there are implications for a change in the size of the Commission, for the voting balance in the Council, and indeed in some respects for the extent of the use of Qualified Majority Voting and the retention of unanimity requirements. I think the document produced yesterday does demonstrate understanding of the need to sustain a reasonable balance which will ensure that there is a connection between the size of a Member State and its population and the voting strength that it is capable of deploying in the Council. There are others, and I am one of those, together a significant number of people, who for reasons that you will understand, Mr Hood, continue to sustain the argument that it is necessary for a variety of reasons, some political, some constitutional, to retain at least one Member of the Commission per Member State. The final point is that colleagues have reasonably suggested, I do not just mean Commission colleagues but others who participate in these discussions as well, that when there are 23 or 28 or even more than 30 Member States of the Union, it will be an organisational challenge to fully and effectively employ 23 or 28 or maybe even more than 30 Commissioners. I believe that the ability to meet the organisational and administrative challenges of that are small by comparison with the challenges that would be offered by having a system that did not provide for all Member States the reassurance of direct participation in the Executive administration through having a Commissioner from that Member State. It is a balance of choices. My choice, as my colleagues in the Commission are well aware—and this is the purpose of having options to discuss—continues to be strongly for having one Commissioner per Member State.

Mr Casale

  197. Commissioner, one of the most refreshing things about the appointment of President Prodi, has been that he has refocused attention on the world outside the European Union. It is really in that fast moving, competitive international context that he has made the point so forcefully that the European Union has changed and become more dynamic. Indeed, he has made the contrast, as I understand it, between the integration and the internationalisation of economic activities and economic systems and so on with a much slower pace of change with in our political institutions, especially at the international level. In that context, could you tell the Committee whether you think that the reform proposals on the table in the context of the IGC, especially as they relate to the Commission, which are sometimes described as tidying up the Amsterdam leftovers, are really radical enough and, especially against the background of Prodi's vision, is not much greater, faster, more radical change required?
  (Commissioner Kinnock) First of all (I have offered this view elsewhere and I certainly put it before the Committee), that the way in which the term "Amsterdam leftovers" is used can be somewhat misleading. The reason why those three very significant issues were not resolved at Amsterdam is that they are very significant.

Mr Cash

  198. Exactly.
  (Commissioner Kinnock) The reason why I am not just making a semantic point about the use of the term but a political point is that I would not want to rob the issue of the significance it deserves by using a diminutive reference. They are not "leftovers", they still constitute substantial issues that require to be resolved by democratic deliberation. I am sure that advances will be made on that in the forthcoming conclusion of the IGC. As I say that is not a semantic point, that is a point of some political substance. So far as the role of the Union in the world is concerned, Romano Prodi is absolutely right to draw attention to the fact that there is an evolution of international development that does offer huge opportunities for Europe- Europe generally, not just the Union as it now exists- but also very significant challenges. My belief is that the Union should be more conscious, as some of my colleagues try to ensure to their credit, of the fact that this is the biggest single trading bloc in the world. It has become increasingly sophisticated as a world partner and can increasingly be an influence for good, acting in a cohesive and coherent fashion for modernising, for instance, the financial architecture of the world. We heard a great deal about that in the crisis of 1998 in the world financial community. We talk about it in a kind of detached sense but the interests of the European Union in making a positive contribution to that are consistent. It is developments like that, which I refer to only for illustration, which do give substance to the view very graphically expressed by President Prodi that the Union should be conscious of its own potential and responsibilities and act accordingly. There is nothing imperial in that sentiment, quite the contrary. The argument is made as a potentially effective contributor to improvement, not out of any sentiment of conquest and I think I can certainly assure the Committee of that. One of the opportunities that arise for further refining that reality and encouraging practical action on that basis comes with the IGC. In expressing his views I know that Romano Prodi is not only putting forward a personal point of view but articulating widely held views among many of the Member State Governments about the role that, unavoidably, the European Union, at its present size but increasingly in bigger size, must seek to fulfil in the wider world, not only commercially but in terms of making a sustained contribution to the better governance of what is obviously an increasingly inter-dependent world, economically and politically.

  199. Before we finish, may I just ask one more question. Of course Mr Prodi did refer to the ball and chain the other day when he was referring to the question of the speed at which reforms of the kind that my colleague, Mr Casale, would advocate should take place. For example, he clearly indicated that the veto should go in very large areas, that we should have a European army. Some of the comments that you made in general, when reduced to the specifics, do indicate a programme in Mr Prodi's mind which does take us well into the kind of political union that is quite obviously advocated by many other than myself.
  (Commissioner Kinnock) I do realise that in discharging his parliamentary duties Mr Cash has from time to time erred on the alarmist side. I think he was doing that and I am sure this is a debate we will continue between us, and more widely, on many future occasions.

Chairman

  200. Commissioner Kinnock, you may recognise the bells are tolling for us to rush and vote. Can I thank you very sincerely for what has been two hours of real quality evidence for this Committee which I am sure will serve us well in our deliberations. I was just thinking, as I have been listening to your evidence for the last two hours, your great achievement according to my own beliefs in the great reorganisation you achieved in the Labour Party and this Government to this day is a testament of your skills there. I just wish you the same success in reorganising the Commission. Thank you very much.
  (Commissioner Kinnock) Thank you very much. I hope that you take up the standing invitation to come back to the Commission and meet more of my colleagues. After the experience of the Labour Party, and just a few months of this job, I have at least decided on what the title of my autobiography is going to be, it is "Why Me?".





 
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