Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


APPENDIX 26

Memorandum submitted by the Board of Deputies of British Jews

  1.  Established in 1760, the Board of Deputies of British Jews is the democratic representative body of the Jewish community in Britain.

  2.  Since the times of Sir Moses Montefiore, who was President of the Board for most of the period between 1840-74 the British Jewish community has played an active role in seeking to secure the well being of Jews throughout the world. Today the International Division of the Board carries out this work.

  3.  The Board of Deputies has always fought antisemitism in whatever guise and to whatever degree it manifests itself. During the cold war period, the Board attacked the increasing rise of antisemitism in the Soviet Union. The plight of Soviet Jews, the refusal of the Soviet authorities to allow freedom of worship and the right to emigrate were drawn to public attention by vociferous campaigning. The Foreign Affairs Committee of the Board (the forerunner to the International Division) worked to present a coordinated response to the situation in the Soviet Union. In 1975 the Board established the National Council for Soviet Jewry (later called the Council for Jews in the Former Soviet Union) as an umbrella body of Jewish organisations in order to raise awareness of the plight of Soviet Jewry and to lobby actively on their behalf.

  4.  The Board maintains close links with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and holds regular formal meetings on issues of international concern to the Jewish community.

  5.  Representatives of the Board have held meetings with successive Russian Ambassadors and have made visits to Russia regarding the situation of the Russian Jewish community.

  6.  The following submission relates specifically to the issue of "dialogue on human rights and good governance" as stated in the terms of reference for this inquiry.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

  7.  Antisemitism in Russia has deep roots. It has survived under many regimes, and has been used many times as a popular weapon in the successive power struggles that have characterised periods of transition in Russia.

  8.  One of the first major outpourings of antisemitism in Russia led to the force relocation of Jews between 1835-1917, in the area known as the Pale of Settlement.

  By 1897, there were more than five million Jews living in the Pale, where they suffered repeated pogroms instigated or supported by the Russian authorities. Constant persecution led many Jews to emigrate to Western Europe and the United States. These included many thousands who came to Britain, where they found a safe haven.

  9.  With the fall of the Czar in 1917, many Russian Jews pinned their hopes for civil rights and social equality on Communism and many millions of Jews migrated from the Pale to the large Russian cities from which they had previously been banned. However, it soon became apparent that Communist antisemitism was no less insidious than the Czarist variety. Although under Czarist rule the Jewish community suffered from pogroms and other violence, Jewish life still continued to thrive. Under Communist rule not only did Jews and other minorities suffer purges in which vast numbers were executed or incarcerated; their religion, language, culture and national identity were obliterated. Emigration was also denied to members of the Jewish community.

  10.  Although the collapse of Communism in the late 1980's brought about a more liberal climate for those who wished to express their Jewish identity and allowed hundreds of thousands of Jews to emigrate, it also provided an opportunity in which antisemitism could be given free rein.

  11.  Faltering political and economic conditions in Russia have brought fear and uncertainty to much of the population. President Yeltsin's poor health and the weakness of his successive governments have led to a general lack of confidence. By failing to implement greatly needed economic reforms, the administration has permitted both the financial and political crises to persist. As a result the appeal of extremist parties on either side of the political spectrum has become increasingly attractive to Russians. Whilst the antisemitism that existed as official state policy during the Soviet era has not resurfaced, some prominent political figures, particularly those associated with the Communist party, have employed antisemitism to further their own political ambitions.

RECENT EXAMPLES OF ANTISEMITISM IN RUSSIA

  12.  Antisemitism in Russia can be divided into three distinct but inextricably related groups: national; regional; and local.

National

  13.  On a national political level, the role of General Albert Markashov is particularly concerning. As a leading Communist Party member of the Duma, General Markashov has attracted widespread notoriety for his vitriolic attacks on the Jewish community for allegedly causing all of Russia's economic woes. He has advocated the establishment of a quota on the number of Jews allowed in Russia as well as publicly supporting the reinstatement of the Pale of Settlement. Of equal if not greater concern is the fact that Communist members of the Duma have repeatedly blocked attempts to censor Markashov.

  14.  In October 1998 in an editorial for the Russian newspaper "Zavtra", General Markashov stated that a "Yid [is] a bloodsucker feeding on the misfortunes of other people. They drink the blood of the indigenous peoples of the State; they are destroying industry and agriculture." Later that month, General Markashov addressed two rallies in Moscow and Samara in commemoration of the Bolshevik Revolution and angrily shouted "I will round up all the Yids and send them to the next world!" This address was repeatedly shown on television in Russia.

  15.  From the opposite wing of the political spectrum the outrageous statements of Vladimir Zhirinovsky, leader of the so-called Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, have also embodied a strong element of antisemitism. In the early 1990s Zhirinovsky made many anti-Jewish statements, including the suggestion that Jews should be transferred from Israel to some other country such as Madagascar. He has criticised the role of the Jews in public life, resurrecting the myth that the banks and the press in Russia and the Western World are controlled by Jews.

  16.  In the nationalist camp are small semi-fascist groupings, which include antisemitic rhetoric as part of their political agenda. Some of these groups are associated with elements of the Russian Orthodox Church and espouse a return to a kind of medieval Russian nationalism, which is said to prevail in some distant mythical past. Others maintain contacts with neo-Nazi groups in Western and Central Europe.

Regional

  17.  As is the case on the national scale, regional manifestations of antisemitism are mainly concentrated in the political arena. The most notorious case of regional, political antisemitism is the example of Nikolai Kondratenko, who is the Governor of the Southern Russian region of Krasnodar.

  18.  Elected on a platform of Russian patriotism, Kondratenko has evolved into an ultra nationalist declaring that ethnic Russians are the only ethnic group which belongs in the region. Since his election, he has embarked on a vehemently antisemitic campaign in which he uses television, mass rallies and youth forums to espouse his beliefs. At a Russian Victory Day rally in March 1997, Kondratenko publicly stated that he "warn[s] that dirty cosmopolitan brotherhood: You belong in Israel or America" and continues to charge Zionists with the brutal oppression of ethnic Russians, and blames Jews for the political and economic problems currently plaguing Russia.

Local

  19.  On a local level, antisemitism is continuing to manifest itself both politically and physically. For many years ultra nationalist groups have found a place in Russia and, as with all extremist parties, have appealed to the masses who continue to be affected by economic problems. These organisations continue to disseminate their literature on a local basis and their actions undoubtedly lead to an incitement for popular action. The media have also contributed to the increase in antisemitism. ORT-TV, a Russian television station, in a report on 13 November 1999, characterised the Russian Jewish community as a "fifth column".

  20.  The current situation of antisemitism on a local level has highlighted and increased the concerns of the Jewish community. In Moscow alone there have been at least seven cases of arson and bombing attacks at synagogues and other Jewish sites. Individuals have also been targeted. One of the most recent attacks occurred on 13 July 1999, when Leopold Kaimonovsky, a prominent Jewish leader, suffered a knife attack and attempted murder on the steps of a Moscow Synagogue. His assailant was a 20 year old youth who had a swastika and the initials RNE, which stands for the Russian National Unity, a prominent neo-Nazi group, inked on his chest. When arrested he shouted "We will knife you all. We will burn down your synagogues. We are not going to let you live here any longer. There are fifty thousand of us." Two weeks later on 25 July, the 12 year old son of a Rabbi prevented the explosion of a bomb inside the Bolshaya Bronnaya Synagogue in Moscow.

  21.  Such incidents are not only confined to Moscow. The current situation in the provincial communities is also worrying, particularly those in Southern Russia and the Northern Caucasus—the traditional home of the Cossacks who led pogroms at the turn of the Century. The town of Borovichi, 100 miles south east of Novgorod, has been plagued with an antisemitic campaign. In this town of 80,000 people there is a Jewish community of about one hundred Jewish families. Elaborate posters with antisemitic threats and caricatures have overwhelmed the town and letters to Jewish activists threaten their families with violence. Phone calls and letters demand that Jews leave the country or violence will follow. The Jewish community have repeatedly informed the police of these incidents. The police have declined to take action, stating that no one was beaten or murdered and that no laws have been violated and insist that there is no basis for a trial.

CHURCH BASED ANTISEMITISM

  22.  One of the main branches of ideological antisemitism is religious antisemitism, stimulated by some in the Russian Orthodox Church in Russia (ROC—The Russian Orthodox Church has split several times in the 20th Century, especially since the fall of the Soviet Union, when newly independent countries like Ukraine and Moldova developed their own national Orthodox churches. The ROC, Moscow Patriarchate is the official Russian Orthodox Church in Russia). Contrary to the Catholic Church, the Russian Orthodox Church has not repudiated charges that the Jews crucified Christ (deicide), which is a major source of the antisemitism. Unfortunately the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad (a dissident Russian Orthodox church based outside Russia that refused to recognize the legitimacy of Soviet rule and remains split from the ROC) and its representative in Russia, Bishop Alexy Varnava, support shameful antisemitism in the Moscow Patriarchy.

  23.  Severely persecuted under the Soviet regime, the Russian Orthodox Church, Moscow Patriarchate has since the fall of the Soviet Union become an increasingly influential voice in Russian politics and culture. Like many other post-Soviet institutions, the ROC is in the midst of a long and often ugly transition from the Soviet past to an uncertain future. There is great concern about the role of some ROC officials in the incitement of antisemitism.

  24.  Although Patriarch Alexi has never publicly made antisemitic statements, under his leadership many top officials in the ROC hierarchy have formed alliances with antisemitic groups, made antisemitic statements, and published antisemitic writings without being reprimanded by the Patriarch. The late Metropolitan Ioann of Saint Petersburg and Ladoga, the leading antisemite in the ROC until his death in 1996, did not suffer any negative consequences for his blatant antisemitism and, even after death, remains through his writings an influential voice within the ROC.

  25.  Many extremist parties have tried with varying degrees of success to ally themselves with the ROC. Both Metropolitan Ioann and a bishop of the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad (Varnava) allegedly collaborated in the past with Pamyat, the oldest antisemitic nationalist group in Russia. Father Dmitri Dudko has close connections with radical nationalists and writes for the influential antisemitic, pro-opposition newspaper Zavtra. The ROC diocese in Voronezh and the leadership of the Diveevo Monastery in NizhnyNovgorod Oblast openly maintained ties with the neo-Nazi organization Russian National Unity. In Yaroslavi and Kemerovo, ROC local newspapers run antisemitic articles and proclamations by extremist groups.

  26.  In addition, the ROC has in some ways grown so close to the state that it has become a de facto state religion. The ROC has signed treaties with the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Public Health to establish parishes in military garrisons, prisons and hospitals, a privilege that other confessions are regularly denied. Patriarch Alexi has attended numerous state functions to which leaders of Russia's other faiths have not been invited and in the past the ROC received very lucrative rights to import and export various goods (tobacco, oil), again to the exclusion of other faiths.

  27.  Rather than focusing on its own spiritual revival after decades of oppression and providing Russians with a strong moral voice to protect them against abuses of human rights, the ROC leadership seems to have made the decision to bring itself closer than ever to the government, which is still run by many of the same officials who tormented it in the not so distant past. Considering the ROC's growing influence its role in the dissemination of antisemitic ideology in Russia is extremely worrying.

REACTION TO ANTISEMITISM

  28.  A reaction to the rising wave of antisemitism in Russia has come from two arenas: Jewish and political.

  29.  The Jewish reaction can itself be split into two categories:

  30.  Reaction of Russian Jewry. In a statement released on 27 July, the Russian Jewish Congress said that the mounting number of antisemitic attacks represent "a threat to all Russian citizens regardless of their nationality [and such crimes] should not remain unpunished." Following this statement, it was announced that the Russian Jewish community had set up a group to protect individuals and property. commenting on the formation of the group Moscow's chief Rabbi, Pinchas Goldschmidt, said, "Our appeals to the authorities have been largely ignored, so we have been forced to protect ourselves." Despite the lack of response, the Jewish community continue to call on and urge the Government to take decisive action and act to halt this spate of antisemitism.

  31.  Reaction of international Jewry. The international Jewish community, through both its representative organ, the World Jewish congress, and individual national communities, has sought to exert external pressure on the Russian government by lobbying them directly and seeking assurances that other Governments will use their good offices to raise this matter.

  32.  The political reaction of the Russian Government under President Yeltsin has manifested itself in various efforts to work against the nationalist and extremist forces in Russia. In an historic address to the nation in June 1998 on the occasion of 57th anniversary of Nazi Germany's invasion of Russia, President Yeltsin warned for the first time of an increasing threat to Russia by the active neo-Nazi movement. In addition, he and other senior members of his government have condemned a number of manifestations of antisemitism in Russia.

  33.  In July 1998, President Yeltsin openly chastised his Justice Minister for allowing extremist and ultra nationalist groups to receive official certification in Russia and in November he made a public statement on extremism following the Duma's failure to censure General Markashov. However, although willing to criticise others for their inaction President Yeltsin does not appear prepared to tackle the problem himself for fear of losing prestige and being seen as unpatriotic.

CONCLUSIONS

  34.  The unstable political situation together with the unpredictable economy have led many in Russia to unjustly blame the Jewish community for the country's troubles. In a survey commissioned by the Anti Defamation League of B'nai B'rith in May 1999, 44 per cent of Russians held strong antisemitic views; with 49 per cent believing that Russian Jews exercise too much power.

  35.  Whilst the antisemitism emanating from the Soviet Union before its collapse can be classed as state-sponsored or state-prohibited antisemitism, in post Soviet times what we see is somewhat different. Due to international pressure the Governments that have emerged in place of the Soviet Union have undertaken to oppose antisemitism and other forms of extremist nationalism. As a result they have committed themselves to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and passed legislation denouncing extremism.

  36.  The Board recognises that legislation against antisemitism and extremism is on the statute books of the Russian Federation. However, the unwillingness to enforce this legislation provides great cause for concern. The Board believes that there is a need for the Russian Federation not only to fully enforce this existing legislation but also to intensify and strengthen it in the light of recent events.

  37.  Furthermore, the Board believes that Duma Members who take advantage of the guarantee of immunity contained in the 1993 Constitution in order to make antisemitic statements should be condemned and dealt with accordingly by the Duma.

  38.  The protection of minority rights is about more than simply legislation. It is about having the political will to enforce that legislation and ensure that the political climate makes extremism unacceptable. The situation for Jews in Russia is currently one where many are unable to exercise their civic rights due to a climate of intimidation and fear. It is the responsibility of the authorities to take action, which they have not so far done. We trust that the Select Committee and the British Government will take up the challenge of convincing the Russian authorities to use all the means they have to rid that country of the scourge of antisemitism. Such an approach may conceivably have the effect of provoking reactions on the grounds that Western pressure actually demonstrates the reality of Jewish international solidarity and of hostility to the interests of Russia. We would argue, however, that the interests of the West must lie in pointing out the dangers of antisemitism on the grounds that inaction would be detrimental not only to the West but also to the future of Russia itself.


 
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