Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Appendices to the Minutes of Evidence


APPENDIX 10

Memorandum submitted by British American Security Information Council

THE ISSUE:

Recent events in Kosovo have shown that KFOR troops are struggling to cope with the quantity and scope of the tasks that have been thrust upon them. Besides monitoring cease-fire compliance by the warring parties and facilitating refugee returns, they are also involved in basic policing, disarmament of the KLA, civil administration, de-mining and aid distribution. They have neither the training nor the time to fulfil all of these roles. Ordinary citizens of Kosovo are suffering as a result. Looting, arson, gangsterism and revenge attacks are happening on a scale which is far beyond NATO's capabilities to control.

BASIC'S POSITION:

  BASIC recommends the creation of Civilian Intervention Units (CIU's). These Units would be kept on permanent standby, in order to respond both to situations of potential conflict and also post-conflict societies. Just like their military counterparts in the Rapid Reaction Forces, their ability to be deployed quickly would make them much more effective than the current well-intentioned, but ultimately cumbersome efforts. The members of these units would be trained in policing, interim administration, election supervision, local languages (for the Euro-Atlantic area) and human rights and deployed under the aegis of the OSCE or the EU from national contingents.

COUNTER-ARGUMENT:

  At a time when security and defence forces all over Europe are having to work extremely hard to justify their budgets, it is unrealistic to envisage the establishment of an entire new corps in each EU member state. No-one would be prepared to pay for this. Furthermore, unarmed civilian units would face the same problems that UN observer forces have always faced—an inability to enforce their mandates when confronted with armed resistance. If these units were to be armed, with all the dangers for escalation and incidents which that involves, you might as well put in military forces, who at least are used to dealing with this type of situation.

REBUTTAL:

  EU states could demonstrate their commitment to a robust Common Foreign and Security Policy by taking on the responsibilities and costs of a secretariat and training centre for the CIU's. Finances would come from the CFSP budget. Member states would only have to finance the secondment of national personnel. As regards arming, the CIU's could be unarmed or armed, depending on the scenario. The current situation in Kosovo would seem to require armed personnel, or civilian intervention closely backed up by KFOR, whereas the Kosovo Verification Mission (KVM) monitors were able to negotiate and mediate precisely because they were unarmed. Horses for courses.

COUNTER-ARGUMENT:

  Putting these units under the aegis of the OSCE would ensure that they never went anywhere, as this is an institution paralysed by its consensual political character and lack of funding. If the EU took responsibility, two results would follow. First, the OSCE, generally regarded as the institution best equipped to deal with conflict prevention, conflict management and institution-building, would be marginalised. Second, Russia, the Ukraine and other Eastern partners would be further marginalised, at a time when their co-operation with and integration into Euro-Atlantic politics is more vital than ever. Why create more political structures in Europe?

REBUTTAL:

  The OSCE/EU dilemma could be solved by having the EU organise and finance the units and the OSCE training them using knowledge gained from their various missions and offices. Units from Eastern European states could be integrated as associate partners in the style of the PfP (in this case, Partnership for Policing rather than Partnership for Peace). In response to concerns over institutional indigestion, BASIC believes that civilian intervention represents a capacity which exists anyway, but which is organised on an ad hoc and ponderous basis. The creation of CIU's would only be the formal recognition of work which is being undertaken every day in Kosovo and Bosnia, but which could be much more effective if given the appropriate financing, structuring and recognition.


 
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