APPENDIX 21
Memorandum submitted by OSCE paper: Second
Assessment of the Situation of Ethnic Minorities in Kosovo
INTRODUCTION
1. The joint report published by the United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the Organisation for
Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) on 26 July 1999 constituted
a preliminary overview of the situation of ethnic minorities in
Kosovo covering events up to 19 July 1999[8].
Given the volatile environment, UNHCR and OSCE field staff have
continued to identify, monitor and assess the position of various
minority populations, such material providing the basis for this
update.
2. The murder of 14 Serb farmers while harvesting
in Lipljan municipality on 23 July 1999 focused world attention
on the serious predicament faced by certain minority communities
in Kosovo. The Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General
(SRSG) and the Commander of the international security presence
known as KFOR issued strong statements condemning this brutal
act and the international community's will to secure the safety
of all inhabitants on Kosovo regardless on ethnicity.
OVERVIEW
3. Although the security conditions in some
areas have improved or at least stabilised, the overall situation
remains tense. Movements of persons from minority groups, particularly
the Serb and Roma, out of Kosovo continue. Fear is usually the
major factor, but increasingly concerns about lack of access to
humanitarian assistance, medical facilities, education, pensions
and employment are causing displacement. Exclusion from such facilities
and opportunities are either the direct result of lack of freedom
brought on by the security situation of a consequence of real
or perceived discrimination in the delivery of public services
which are now predominately, if not exclusively, Albanian-run.
4. Apart from movements out of Kosovo, the
trend to relocation within Kosovo to perceived safer areas has
continued. As a result mono-ethnic enclaves of various sizes (often
guarded by KFOR) are building up, inhabitants of which may be
reasonably secure within their confines. However, even some of
these areas are becoming prone to attack from the outside despite
KFOR's activity. The development of these enclaves seems to be
attracting some returns of minorities to Kosovo, but in many instances
this is to another place of displacement. Concerns have been expressed
about whether such returns are indeed voluntary and in full knowledge
of the prevailing conditions. Some movements may not be returns
as such but visits to assess whether conditions are ripe for permanent
return.
5. Another movement that continues to have
an impact on the situation of minority groups is the return of
the displaced Albanian community. The majority of those who sought
refuge in neighbouring countries have now returned, whilst repatriation
from third countries has started. Given the level of destruction
in Kosovo this movement may well increase pressure on minority
communities to leave in order to free up housing stock for returnees.
The additional impact of the steady influx over the last months
of Albanians from the southern provinces of Serbia is yet to be
seen.
6. As stressed in the preliminary assessment,
the situation for ethnic communities varies significantly depending
on the locality. For example, the position of Serbs in the Serb-dominated
municipalities of Leposavic, Zvecan and Zubin Potok continues
to be dramatically different to that of Serbs elsewhere in the
province. This also demonstrates the fact that in certain locations
Albanian communities may be in a position of minority and accordingly
face insecurity as a result.[9]
"Minority" is not used in this report in its technical
or legal sense, rather to describe groups of persons belonging
to a certain ethnic/national group who are in minority situation
in a particular location (usually municipality or village), regardless
of their status elsewhere in the province or country.
7. In terms of key areas, the predicament
of the Serbs on Orahovac remains of great concern, particularly
with the rise in tension over the last few weeks with the planned
arrival of Russian troops. The violence in Gnjilane district is
particularly disturbing and the situation for the few Serbs left
in Pristina city still requires close attention despite an apparent
improvement in security over the last few weeks.
8. Obtaining accurate population statistics
continues to be a challenge given the volatile environment and
difficulties of access to some communities. The figures given
below are, in general, estimates, complied from a variety of reliable
sources. UNHCR, OSCE, KFOR, and key UNHCR implementing partners.
In certain circumstances information has only been forthcoming
from community leaders, but this clearly indicated. The figures
for the present population should not be seen as conclusive. In
the main, it has not been possible to confirm pre-war population
data and so in order to indicate roughly the scale of recent movement,
reference has had to be made to the last census in 1991 which
is considered as reasonably accurate for at least the Serbian
community. In some cases, estimates made in 1998 by UNHCR based
on this census have also been quoted.
9. Despite attempts to cover the situation
in as much detail as possible, manpower constraints and a rapidly-evolving
environment means that this report should only be read as indicative,
rather than exhaustive, of the situation of the various minority
communities as at 25 August 1999.
Ethnic Serbs
10. The number of Serbs in Pristina city
has continued to drop from 5,000 thought to reside there at the
time of the preliminary assessment to between 1,000-2,000 persons.
(The 1998 population was estimated by UNHCR at around 20,000).
Many of those remaining are elderly and infirm. The population
is mostly found in the centre and the south of the city in the
areas of Dardania (about 170 families), Ulpilana and, to a lesser
extent, Sunny Hill. Those in the north of the city (approximately
115 persons) are far more isolated. At the beginning of August
1999 the situation of this vulnerable community seemed to deteriorate
significantly with a rise in violent incidents and a general risk
of intimidation and harassment. Unfortunately, the brutal killing
on 15 August 1999 of a 78-year-old Serb in her home was not an
isolated incident. A pattern has arisen of Serbs being forced
to sign over rights to their property in standard contracts before
fleeing. In many cases Albanians have moved in within minutes
of the departure. KFOR has registered persons at risk in its patrols,
step up emergency telephones lines, reinforced doors to homes,
lain in waiting for attackers and in some cases provided 24-hour
guard. It would seem that such strategies have met with some success
as the number of serious incidents reported to KFOR has fallen
since mid-August 1999. This may also be connected to a diminishing
Serb population unwilling to wait until they are physically attacked.
11. Of the 85 villages in Pristina municipality,
five are mixed Albanian-Serb: Devet Jugovica (70 per cent of 1,000-1,500
population is Serb), Lebane (50 Serbs, 300-500 Albanians), Trudna
(only on Serb family), Kisnica (300 Serbs ie 50 per cent of the
community). In addition there are several exclusively Serb or
mixed Serb-Roma villages: Donja Brnjica (1,500 Serbs), Gornja
Brnjica (500), Kojlovica (8), Slivovo (30), Vidaci (6), Milinci
(4), Laplje Selo (about 1,500 Serbs and 150 Roma), Preoce (about
750 Serbs and 50 Roma), Caglavica (2,220 Serbs and 50 Roma) and,
most significantly, Gracanica which houses around 5,000 Serbs
(and about 40 Roma). Although there is a steady outflow of Serbs
from this area, the overall population has increased slightly
because of the flow of Serbs displaced from other parts of the
province. For example 100 Serbs recently fled the village of Kisnica
whereas about 100 displaced Serbs are thought to have arrived
in Gracanica and Caglavica over the last month.
12. the fact that many Serbs in this municipality
live in exclusively Serb villages offer them a degree of protection
but incidents nevertheless occur. Particular tensions exists in
Devet Jugovica. Donja Brnjica and Gornja Brnjica whose population
include many who worked for the previous Serb administration and
in the case of Devet Jugovica whose leader is former MUP. The
residents of these villages had been warned to leave by the end
of August 1999 by a gang of Albanians who claimed responsibility
for the kidnapping of a local Serb on 10/11 August 1999. Following
a shooting attack on 12 August 1999 against the village of Gornja
Brnjica, KFOR arrested several Albanians. The inhabitants of Laplje
Selo, Preoce and Caglavica share a similar profile and, like the
above, appear to be fairly well armed. They often come under gunfire
from passers-by and when they venture out into the fields. In
Kisnica there have been grenade attacks as well as shooting incidents.
13. The handful of Serbs who continue to
remain in Podujevo town and in the surrounding villages are guarded
closely by KFOR. None of the three Serb families who lived in
Glogovac municipality before the conflict but fled Kosovo in June
1999 have returned.
14. In Obilic municipality, 3,600 Serbs
remain in Milosevo, Babin Most, Plemetina, Crkvena Vodica, Janina
Voda and the main town itself. In Obilic town, from which many
Serbs have left over the past few months, the Serb population
seems to have stabilised at about 1,500. Significant numbers are
also found in Crkvena Vodica, Plemetina and Babin Most, in the
case of the latter including some recently returned. In Milosevo
only 32 Serbs remain (all other minorities having left after the
withdrawal of Yugoslav forces). Albanian communities in the area
are returning and relations between the two groups remain tense.
Although the overall security situation is reported to be stable,
with Serbs feeling reasonably protected by KFOR within their villages,
their freedom of movement is restricted. Since the beginning of
August 1999 no killings or abductions in Obilic municipality have
been reported to KFOR. The most serious incidents have been two
grenade attacks on Serb cafes in Obilic town on 7 and 16 August
1999 inflicting minor injuries on seven people. More recently,
two grenades were thrown towards Serb houses in Crkvena Vodica
wounding two people. Incidents of verbal harassment and intimidation
continue with reports of Albanian shop owners refusing to serve
Serb customers.
15. Kosovo Polje municipality, Serbs are
now only found in the mixed communities in the main town and Bresje
village, and in the three mono-ethnic villages of Baruse, Kuzmin
and Ugljare. At present the total Serb population is considered
to be around 5,000, whereas the estimated 1998 population was
about 9,000. The security situation in this municipality has improved
during the reporting period although arson attacks still occur
daily, and the number of Serbs leaving has diminished. The remaining
population contains a disproportionate number of elderly persons
or single mothers, with Bresje as the only community with a more
mixed age group. Bresje also seems to suffer the most from security
incidents. Serbs fleeing Lipljan, Mitrovica, Pec, Djakovica, Prizren,
Urosevac and Pristina appear to be taking shelter in Serb areas
of Kosovo Polje, often in the houses of local Serbs who have left.
For example, 440 displaced Serbs are housed in a secondary school
in Bresje. Around 200 displaced Serbs arrived from other parts
of Serbia in August 1999 in order to take up offers of employment
at the railway station.
16. Around 10,000 Serbs are estimated to
reside in the Albanian-dominated Lipljan municipality. The town
itself is almost half Albanian, half Serb with a small number
of Roma. The rest of the Serb population is still mostly found
in Serb villages in the north of the municipality (with the exception
of Gracko in the south). Serbs are also found in the mixed villages
of Suvi Do, Vrelo, Rabovce and Janjevo. Despite the murder of
14 Serbs from the village of Gracko on 23 July 1999 and the shooting
of two other Serbs on 3 August 1999, the security situation appears
to have stabilised over the last few weeks. Serbs in or in the
vicinity of mixed villages seem at greater risk. The Serb villages
of Rabovce and Gracko could also still be vulnerable as they are
surrounded by Albanian communities. On the other hand, Albanians
in the majority Serb areas may also face danger, for example when
using the roads through Dobrorin, Donja Gusterica and Gornja Gusterica
to reach their home villages. (Albanians also seem to have problems
in Vrelo, even though they are the majority ethnic group there).
The impact of recent returns of Albanians to the mainly Serb villages
of Suvi Do and Lepina has yet to become clear. Lipljan town itself
is tense but peaceful given the significant KFOR presence while
the village of Janjevo continues to be an example of peaceful
multi-ethnic coexistence.
17. Most Serbs in this municipality wish
to stay. After the Gracko incident about 30-40 Serbs left Lipljan
town, apart from that there have only been small movements of
Serbs from the mixed villages in the south of the municipality
to the Serb-dominated settlements in the north. A major concern
for the community now is the absence of any educational facilities
for their children.
18. In Mitrovica town, relations between
the Serb-dominated northern sector (approximately 12,000 Serbs,
including many internally displaced) and the Albanian-populated
southern side (including 8,000 Albanians displaced from the north)
remain poor. The overall number of Serbs present seems to have
remained the same since mid-July 1999. Most of the 350 Serb families
that had lived in the southern part of town have left for the
north or other parts of Serbia. The only Serbs that remain are
concentrated in the neighbourhood next to the Orthodox church
where, despite constant KFOR protection, their security situation
has deteriorated—increasingly violent incidents are being
reported. Similarly, the security situation of the scattered 2,000-2,500
Albanians in the northern side has also worsened since the firing
of rockets from the south on 10 August 1999 (provoking the flight
of 300 Albanians to the south as a result of revenge attacks).
Since KFOR reinforced its presence in the north by deploying soldiers
on all street corners, Albanians are now receiving threatening
telephone calls.
19. The international community has continued
to work towards de-segregation of this town. On 20 August 1999,
with the assistance of KFOR and the United Nations Interim Administration
in Kosovo (UNMIK), some Albanians displaced by the 10 August incidents
were able to return to their homes in the north. However, before
further returns can be promoted important pre-conditions relating
to security, respect for human rights, freedom of movement and
procedures for property restitution should be in place.
20. The situation for Serbs in Leposavic
(which remains almost entirely Serbian)[10]
continues to be calm, none of the Albanians who left having returned.
(The three Albanian villages of Ceranja. Kosutovo and Saljska
Bistrica are still empty; all the houses were burned or looted
during the conflict, and most of the villages moved to Mitrovica).
However, the body of a Serb male abducted on his way from Mitrovica
to Zvecan was discovered on 26 August 1999.
21. Many houses were destroyed during the
conflict in the three Albanian villages of Boljatin, Zaza and
Lipa, in the Serb majority municipality of Zvecan.[11]
In spite of this, many of the Albanian population (estimated pre-war
at 420) have returned to their villages since the withdrawal of
Yugoslav forces. However, because of shelter difficulties in an
area of such high altitude, some villagers have left once again.
Like the Albanian inhabitants of Zvecan, the 800 Albanians that
have returned to the heavily destroyed Albanian village of Cabra
in Serb-dominated Zubin Potok municipality feel safe within their
village as long as KFOR continues with foot patrols. However,
they have concerns about travelling outside of their villages
for fear of the surrounding Serb communities. Community leaders
indicate a current Serb population of 11,000 (including 1,000
displaced persons) for this municipality. However, the accuracy
of this figure is brought into question by the 1991 census, in
which only around 6,200 Serbs were registered for this area.
22. In Vucitrn and Srbica municipalities,
the Serbs remain concentrated in villages where they represented
a majority before the conflict. In Vucitrn, 100 Serbs remain in
Banjska, 30 Serbs in Slantina, with 400 Serbs in the purely Serb
villages of Gojbulja and Miroce. In Srbica, 100 Serbs remain in
the village of Suvo Grlo with another 180 Serbs in Banja, both
of these being mixed villages. Eight Serbian nuns also remain
in Device monastery. With the number of Albanians in the mixed
villages increasing the security situation for Serb minorities
has deteriorated and they rely on KFOR protection, including escorts
if they leave their villages. Recent incidents include the murder
to two Serbs in Gojbulja on 27 July 1999, the killing of a Serb
in Banja on 21 August 1999 and the kidnapping of a Serb in Banjska
the next day. In addition, there have been several shooting incidents
involving both ethnic groups, and several Serb houses have been
set on fire. Despite these recent incidents, and a general increase
in tension between Serb and Albanian communities, no Serb departures
have been reported recently. On the contrary, convoys of returning
Kosovar Serbs from other parts of Serbia, organised by the Yugoslav
Red Cross, arrive twice a week in this area, although there are
doubts about how well-informed such persons are about conditions
in Kosovo.
23. In Gnjilane town, the Serb community
of 3,400 persons (4,000 estimated in the preliminary assessment)
is now restricted to one main neighbourhood. The Serb residents
in mixed villages are diminishing by the day, moving to other
parts of Serbia or the exclusive Serb villages. Serbs from other
municipalities have also taken shelter in the four main Serb-only
villages of Silovo (about 1,200 persons). Parres 1,700 including
400 displaced), Pasjane (2,300 including 40 displaced) and Donja
Budriga (1,900 including 200 displaced). The mixed villages are
Pones (665 Serbs), Koretiste (1,170), Cernica (690), Gornji Livoc
(170), Straza (500), Stanisor (420), Gornje Kusce (1,335), Gornji
Makres (195) and Kmetovce (445).
24. The number of attacks against the Serb
community has risen in an alarming fashion over the last month,
driving many Serbs from their homes and impeding freedom of movement
for those still in the municipality. The Serb communities feel
that they are victims of an organised campaign to expel them,
in the form of repeated threats, cutting of phone lines, assaults,
forced eviction, arson, burning of crops and murder. According
to the Orthodox Church, 17 Serbs have been murdered since the
arrival of KFOR. The community is also particularly concerned
about the number of recent kidnappings of Serbs in the area and
have peacefully protested about this issue on several occasions.
Over 20 cases of missing or abducted persons in Gnjilane have
been confirmed by OSCE. The risks faced by these communities,
despite the efforts of KFOR, is illustrated by a grenade attack
on a Serb home on 25 August 1999 just after a KFOR foot patrol
had passed by.
25. Since the publication of the preliminary
assessment, KFOR presence has been established in neighbouring
Novo Brdo municipality. According to the former Serb Mayor, there
are currently about 2,680 Serbs in the municipality spread out
mostly in isolated Serb-only villages with some in mixed villages
of Bostane (approximately 160 Serbs), Izvor (440), Jasenovik (115),
Zebince (260), Labljane (50), Manisince (110), Novo Brdo (95),
Prekovce (270), Trnicevce (110), Plavica (70) and Zebince (260).
As in Gnjilane, freedom of movements for Serbs is greatly curtailed
with individuals leaving their villages coming under attack. Continued
insecurity has caused some to flee; for example, the entire village
of Klobukar is now empty.
26. Most of the previously Serb-dominated
villages in the north-western part of Kamenica municipality are
now empty of Serbs. However, Serbs continue to remain in other
predominately Serb villages in the area (Busince, Ajnovce, Firiceja,
Pancelo, Tornance, Mali, Ropotovo, Ranilug, Glogovce, Donje Korminjane,
Drenovce, Berivojce, Rajanovce, Bozevce). Of the 12,000 (out of
an estimated pre-war population of 1,850) who were still in Kamenica
town in mid-July 1999, a small number are thought to have departed.
Many of these appear to be families increasingly concerned about
lack of schooling and healthcare facilities. Moreover, some Serb
families from Bozevce and Rajanovce are also reported to have
left for other parts of Serbia.
27. Security concern continue to play a
major role in these events. Shootings take place almost on a daily
basis, most victims being Serbs; for example a Serb man was killed
in Ranilug on 3 August 1999. Moreover, house burning and kidnappings
persist. Illegal street blockades have been put up by both Albanians
and Serbs to prevent others from entering into their "enclaves".
Freedom of movement is virtually non-existent for the Serbs, and
KFOR escort required even to go shopping in Gnjilane. Nevertheless,
in August 1999 four incidents were reported on the Kamenica-Gnjilane
road where Albanians targeted Serb vehicles passing through Dobrcane.
Four Serbs were killed and four others injured as a result.
28. In Vitina municipality, Serbs remain
in Binac, Grncar, Klokot, Mogila, Podgorce, Pozaranje, Vrbovac,
Vrnavokolo and Vitina. The total Serb population is estimated
at 4,900. However, departures of Serbs from mixed villages (Binac,
Mogila, Vitina town) continue, despite a 24-hour KFOR presence
in the vicinity of Serb enclaves. Following the murder of four
Serbs in July 1999 in Zitinje, all 450 Serbs fled from this mixed
village on 1 August 1999 to Gnjilane municipality; their houses
were subsequently burned despite KFOR's permanent presence. Moreover,
according to a Serb Orthodox priest in Vitina, many Serbs have
left Pozaranje or Podgorce for Grncar and Vrbovac. All in all,
more than 100 Serbs are reported to have moved to Vrbovac in the
past few weeks, increasing its Serb population to more than 800.
Apart from Zitinje, there have been major incidents in other villages
recently. For example, a mortar attack on 17 August 1999 on the
village of Klokot killed two and wounded six others. By comparison,
the security situation in Vitina town has been stable recently.
Nevertheless, there have been a few isolated incidents, such as
grenade attacks and episodes of shooting.
29. The Serb population in Urosevac town
continues to be limited to 34 households. In the municipality
itself, there are one or two isolated Serbs in the villages of
Gatnje, Zaskok and Plesina. As a result, KFOR has established
a permanent presence near Serb houses. Thirty nine Serbs, most
of whom are elderly, remain in the town of Stimjle. The departure
of Serbs from these areas has decreased in the last month and
the overall security situation has improved. However acts of intimidation,
including threats, forced evictions and kidnappings, continue
to be reported. None of the Serbs from Kacanik municipality have
returned.
30. Strpce continues to be a Serb-dominated
municipality (the Serb population is estimated at 9,000) with
some mixed villages, such as Vica. Serbs from Prizren have taken
refuge in the collective centres found in the main town and Brezovica
(managed by the Yugoslav Red Cross), whilst some Serbs from this
municipality seem to have sought safety in the seminary in Prizren.
None of the 500-strong Serb population of Suva Reka appear to
have returned.
31. Serbs from Prizren municipality continue
to take refuge in the seminary in Prizren town—the current
population is about 200. Eight elderly Serbs were killed in Prizren
town in August 1999 alone, while house burning and intimidation
of Serbs continue. The number of Serbs in Prizren town is thought
to be dropped from about 300 in mid-July 1999 to about 150.
32. About 2,500 Serbs continue to live under
close KFOR protection in the upper part of Orahovac town, 850
of which are displaced from near-by villages or the lower part
of the town. Tensions between those originally from Orahovac and
those displaced have risen recently, partly given the differences
of opinion over whether to leave Kosovo or whether to remain.
The atmosphere has also become increasingly charged as a result
of the arrest by KFOR of three Serbs for alleged war crimes on
20 August 1999 and recent blockades by the Albanian community
to prevent the deployment of Russian troops. A Serb community
of about 1,080 also remains in nearby Velika Hoca village under
the protection of KFOR. This community is increasingly concerned
about limited freedom of movement, medical care and basic utilities.
33. A grenade attack on 19 August 1999 against
the Orthodox church in Djakovica town which shelters a small community
of Serbs left two KFOR soldiers wounded. In Decani, the only Serbs
who remain continue to be the handful who have taken refuge in
the seminary which is under 24-hour KFOR protection. Only eight
are left, two of who intend to move to other parts of Serbia in
the near future.
34. In Pec municipality, the largest Serb
community continues to reside in the Serb-dominated village of
Gorazdevac, with a few Serbs scattered in Pec town, Orasje, Brezanik
and Milovanac. Despite a mortar attack on Gorazdevac on 10 August
1999 killing one Serb (and leading to the flight of six others),
its population has been increasing in the past few weeks—the
current estimate is 440 persons (compared to the pre-war figure
of 1,100), including many displaced. Every week Kosovar Serbs
are reported to return with KFOR escort to Gorazdevac from Suvo
Polje, Montenegro, Kraljevo, Serbia. Some return with the intention
to stay, while others return to check the conditions of their
property and the current security situation. For example, on 21
August 1999, 135 Kosovar Serbs arrived from Kraljevo in Serbia.
According to the Yugoslav Red Cross, a total of 2,000-3,000 Kosovar
Serbs intend to return to Kosovo via Gorazdevac.
35. In Pec town, about 50 Serbs, including
monks and nuns, remain in the Patriarchate under 24-hour KFOR
protection. From the approximately 30 Serbs that used to live
in the village of Orasje before the war, only four elderly men
remain. No acts of intimidation or harassment against Serbs have
been reported in Pec town, Orasje or Brezanik, although Serb villages
complain about lack of freedom of movement outside their villages.
In Milovanac, the one remaining Serb family suffered a grenade
attack on 21 August 1999.
36. Most of the estimated 6,000 Serbs who
lived in Klina municipality before the conflict appeared to have
left by mid-July 1999. A handful of Serbs, including some nuns,
remain in the monastery of Budisavci under 24-hour KFOR protection.
A Serb priest and another Serb male disappeared on their way from
Budisavci town to the monastery on 19 July 1999,
37. In Istok municipality, the number of
Serbs in the mixed village of Crkolez seems to have stayed around
100-150 persons. They continue to receive constant KFOR protection
but nevertheless Serb buildings were burned on 21 and 22 August
1999 and there appears to have been a rise in shooting incidents.
KFOR troops investigating arson attacks came under fire. The 300
Serbs estimated to live in Suvo Grlo village benefit from 24-hour
KFOR patrols but feel threatened and have limited freedom of movement.
Tensions in Suvo Grlo between the Serb and Albanian neighbourhoods
are extremely high. Numerous other villages in the municipality
which used to house Serb communities are empty. It is thought
that some Serbs are still living in scattered households in the
region close to Mitrovica.
Roma
38. The Roma population in Kosovo is far
from cohesive, comprising various groups with different allegiances,
linguistic and religious traditions.[12]
What they do have in common, unlike many Roma elsewhere in Europe,
is a generally settled rather than nomadic lifestyle and a marginalised
position in Kosovar society. The present treatment of Roma communities
depends to some extent on their previous relationships with the
local Albanian community. Allegations that some Roma took part
in criminal acts with Yugoslav forces (often under duress) or
in "opportunistic looting" seems to have blackened the
name of others who were innocent of such acts.
39. The residual Roma population in urban
Pristina is now thought to number about 50; all the Roma were
considered to have departed at the time of the last report. One
family which returned home to the centre of the city with UNHCR
assistance was subjected to grenade attacks wounding a 12-year-old
girl. As described in paragraph 11, several Serb villages in the
Pristina municipality have Roma as a minority population. Roma
are also found in the predominantly Albanian villages of Businje
(70 Roma) andZlatare (5). The total number of Roma in the municipality
(excluding Pristina) is estimated at between300-600.
40. The Roma population in Kosovo Polje
town is thought to number around 1,500-2,000 (compared to the
1998 estimate of 3,500), many of whom had temporarily taken shelter
in the Roma camp in Obilic. Many of the Roma from this municipality
are thought to have left for other parts of Serbia, Montenegro
and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (fYROM), whilst
some Roma from other areas have taken refuge there. The remaining
Roma community is concentrated in specific neighbourhoods where
they appear to have relative freedom of movement (such as access
to the market). If further Roma arrive from the rest of Kosovo
this could have a significant impact on the security of the minority
communities presently there. The Roma population in Podujevo municipality
is still estimated at around 850. No major incidents involving
them have been reported.
41. In Obilic municipality, about 2,000
Roma remain in Krusevac, Plemetina, Obilic town, Crkvena Vodica
and Janina Voda. The Roma community camp in Krusevac still numbers
about 1,200 people; however, many of the Roma in the camp have
expressed the wish to return to their previous homes; in Kosovo
Polje in the near future. In the village of Plemetina there are
still two Roma quarters consisting of about 450 to 500 people.
Less than 10 families have left the village since the end of the
conflict, and about 20 Roma from others areas (such as Kosovo
Polje) have sought refuge there. Most of them worked in the factory
in Obilic, but have been unable to return out of fear. Like other
Roma in the municipality, they report a deep sense of resentment
against them on the part of the Albanian community based on allegations
of having collaborated with the Serbs during the war. Although
KFOR has deployed a unit in Plemetina, the Roma state that they
still feel unsafe and are particularly scared of leaving the village.
Burning of Roma houses, intimidation and verbal harassment by
Albanians continue. The Roma community in Obilic town numbers
about 200. Small Roma communities in Crkvena Vodica, and in the
neighbouring village of Janina Voda remain even though most of
their houses were burned after the withdrawal of Yugoslav forces.
42. About 1,400 Roma are scattered throughout
the municipality of Lipljan usually in Albanian areas—in
the main town, Vrelo, Rabovce, Janjevo (mixed Albanian/Serb/Croat),
and in the villages of Medvece, Magura and Mali Alas (with Albanians).
Significant numbers have left over the last few weeks, for example
170 persons from Dobrotin and 120 persons from Medvece. Of the
40 Roma families originally in Magura, only one remains—many
of these families are thought to be among the 130 displaced Roma
found in Vrelo. Many of those that have left are thought to have
gone to the Roma camp in Obilic or to former Yuguslav Republic
of Macedonia. Reasons for departure range from security concerns
to access to food. Indeed, the Roma Community in Vrelo and Medvece
may well leave in the near future if their access to humanitarian
assistance is not improved, despite the good relationship with
the Albanian leadership there. The Roma in Janjevo benefit from
the generally tolerant environment in this ethnically mixed village.
Irrespective of the general stabilisation of security in the municipality,
the Roma in Magura and Mali Alas are still in a rather precarious
position.
43. Only a very small number of Roma continue
to live dispersed in the northern part of Mitrovica town. The
Roma displaced in Leposavic and Zvecan municipalities seem less
and less accepted by the local Serb population. On 22 August 1999
the 500 Roma accommodated in the collective centre in Leposavic
came under pressure to leave in order to make space available
for Kosovar Serbs returning from other parts of Serbia. Similarly,
in Zvecan the Serb "Major" is putting great pressure
on the 270 internally displaced Roma to vacate the school which
they currently occupy. Most of them moved to Zvecan in June 1999
from the Roma neighbourhood in Mitrovica town following the withdrawal
of the Yugoslav forces. Their houses were burned a few days later
by Albanians. Despite earlier indications that they were keen
to return to Mitrovica, security and shelter concerns seem now
to be dissuading them from such a move.
44. In Vucitrn municipality only 70 Roma
from the pre-war population of about 1,700 remain in Vucitrn town,
most of them having left by the middle of July 1999. By contrast
all of the 165 Roma of Priluzje village remain, their security
having improved following talks with their Albanian neighbours
facilitated by KFOR and UNHCR.
45. The Roma community in Gnjilane town
is still concentrated in three neighbourhoods. In mid-July 1999
this community was estimated at 530 persons, but now only 445
persons are thought to remain. Like the Serbs they have faced
an increase in attacks. On 26 August 1999 40 of them fled to other
parts of Serbia following the abduction and beating of two of
their group. The Roma community in Bostane village in Novo Brdo
is now thought to number about 45 (40 in preliminary assessment).
Close to 100 Roma remain in Kamenica town, few having departed
recently for other parts of Serbia. However, given the deteriorating
security situation in this municipality more are likely to leave
in the near future. Of the 500 Roma who live in Vitina town before
the conflict, an estimated 300 are reported to remain.
46. Between 3,500-4,000 Roma are thought
to live in Urosevac town, primarily in three particular neighbourhoods.
They still face some acts of intimidation, looting and arson.
On 4 August 1999 two Roma were abducted by Albanians and questioned
about the profile of their community. Other Roma are found in
a few predominantly Albanian villages: Tankosic (14 Roma), Stari
Miras (21), Kosare (35) and Zaskok (9). KFOR has increased its
patrol of Roma areas but the situation is till tense in at least
one part of Urosevac town. Roma continue to leave but in small
numbers and, indeed, some Roma appear to have returned from the
former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. It should be noted that
many Roma in this area define themselves as Albanian. At least
200 Roma live in Stimjle town, 200 in neighbouring Djurkovce and
150 in Vojinovce. In Kacanik, only one Roma family now remains
but they seem to be well-integrated into the community.
47. About 50 Roma left the village of Landovica
in Prizren municipality after Albanians had opened fire on some
of them in mid-August 1999. They have taken refuge in Dushanove
in Prizren town. However, the established Roma community there
is very concerned about its own security situation. Given an attempted
abduction of two Roma two weeks ago, plus daily stoning incidents,
KFOR has been requested to provide increased protection. In Lesane
village Suva Reka, only five Roma families remain, others having
left with the Serbs. No security problems have been reported.
48. In Orahovac municipality, verbal and
physical assault aimed at the Roma population continues. For example
on 25 August 1999 three Roma who were taking part in demonstrations
against the planned deployment of Russian troops in the area were
kidnapped by Albanians. After intervention by local community
leaders the men were released but only after they had been severely
beaten.
49. In Djakovica town, the 450 Roma who
had sought refuge next to the cemetery in the Berkoci neighbourhood
left for Montenegro on 24 August 1999 rather than moving to the
alternative site set up in order to provide them with better living
conditions and KFOR security. Another 4,000-5,000 Roma still remain
in six neighbourhoods in the town, benefiting from increased KFOR
patrols. Their security situation has improved since the departure
of the Roma community displaced at the cemetery.
50. In Pec municipality, scattered Roma
families continue to remain in the villages of Orasje, Svrke,
Brezanik, Vitromirica and in Pec town. From the 60 Roma families
living in Orasje before the war, only twelve families remain.
In the village of Svrke, only one Roma family and 50 Egyptians[13]
(as the Roma in this area tend to identify themselves) remain.
According to local sources of information, 70 Roma remain in Brezanik
and nine in Gorazdevac. In Vitromirica and Pec town, figures for
Roma community are difficult to establish since many Roma define
themselves as Albanians. However, according to estimates by a
Roma representative in Pec, around 20 families continue to remain
in Pec town. Although generally good relations are reported between
the Egyptians and the Albanians in Svrke, there is a generally
hostile attitude on the part of the Albanian population towards
the Roma population in Pec municipality. However, no major security
problems have been reported.
51. Although many of the Roma from Istok
have fled, several mixed villages still have a Roma community
and it is thought that a few individuals remain in Istok town
itself.[14]
Zac village is thought to have had a pre-war Roma population of
about 250 which is now reduced to 160, six or seven families having
just left in the last month (supposedly to ascertain the situation
in Montenegro). KFOR is protecting several Roma houses where this
community, which identifies itself as Egyptian, congregates. The
number of incidents suffered by this community has diminished
over the last month, as a result of KFOR's presence, but their
freedom of movement seems to be limited (although there is some
indication that trips are made during the day to outlying homes).
The Roma communities in Suvi Lukavac (40 persons), Drenje (100),
Kasica (15-20) and Kovrage (60) all benefit form regular KFOR
patrols. It would appear that the community in Kovrage are fairly
well-integrated.
52. Several Roma communities remain in Klina
municipality; the largest group of about 160 persons lives in
a concentrated neighbourhood in Ciganska Mah, just outside Klina
town. There are also several scattered Roma communities of about
six to ten families in Klina town itself, Jagoda, Budisavci, Vidanje,
Stupelj and Rudice, many other Roma having fled the municipality
in the weeks after the departure of Yugoslav forces. Incidents
of looting, arson and harassment against these Roma communities
continue to be reported. Two Roma women were shot and wounded
in Stupelj village on 23 August 1999.[15]
Croatian/Bosnian Serbs
53. Since the last report, UNHCR has continued
to identify and counsel the remaining Croatian and Bosnian Serb
refugee population. 192 have been relocated to other parts of
Serbia where they will await the processing of their voluntary
repatriation or resettlement applications. Another 11 have taken
up the offer of the Patriarchate of Pec to take refuge in Montenegro
until a durable solution is found.
54. 632 Croatian/Bosnian Serbs are known still
to be present in Kosovo in Pristina, Kosovo Polje, Leposavic,
Zubin, Potok, Zvecan, Strpce, Prizren and Pec municipalities.
Gorani
55. This community consists of persons of
Slav ethnicity from the Gora region who, unlike the Serbs, follow
Islam. They are distinct from the group described as Muslim Slavs
(see below). Despite their shared religion, their relationship
with ethnic Albanians is not always easy given their ethnic and
linguistic links with the Serbs, as well as their political attitudes.
56. The situation for Gorani in Gora municipality
remains unchanged. Limited freedom of movement and increasing
intimidation and harassment of Gorani by ethnic Albanians continue
to be major concerns. Approximately 100 Gorani reside in Gnjilane
municipality. They report good relations with the Albanian community
with whom they suffered at the hands of Yugoslav forces.
Muslim Slavs
57. This group consists of Serbo-Croat-speaking
Slavs who are associated with the "Muslim nationality"
created within the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Although many of them describe themselves as Bosnian/Bosniak,
this does not necessarily mean that their ancestors were from
the geographical area but rather that Bosnians are seen as the
successors to the old Muslim nationality group. In reality, these
communities originate from a variety of regions, including modern-day
Bosnia and Sandzak. Although some are dispersed within towns,
most of them live in predominantly Muslim villages. Within the
Muslim community, there is a distinct group of Torbesi, found
mainly in the Prizren and Orahovac areas.
58. There has been a steady departure of
the Muslim population from Pristina city as a result of incidents
of intimidation and harassment leaving a community of about 3,000
from an estimated 1998 total of 4,000. Apparently they have moved
to Bosnia, southern Serbia or the north of Montenegro. In the
rest of Pristina municipality another 5,000-6,000 Muslim Slavs
are thought to reside.
59. The number of Muslim Slavs in Mitrovica
municipality, mainly in the north, appears to have remained the
same (about 1,750). Ten Muslim Slav families living in Vucitrn
were exposed to threats and attacks by Albanians from surrounding
villages at the end of July 1999. They left for Leposavic and
other parts of Serbia shortly afterwards but other Muslim Slav
families decided to remain after KFOR had agreed to provide 24-hour
protection.
60. About 200 Muslim Slavs continue to reside
in the surroundings of Lesak, Leposavic municipality. According
to villagers there are no problems between their community and
Serbs. However, during the conflict most of the young Muslim Slavs
left the village for Novi Pazar, Serbia where the Muslim Slav
community is larger and better organised.
61. The situation for Muslim Slavs in Prizren
municipality has significantly deteriorated. There has been a
rise in intimidation and the recent killing of an elderly couple
has caused panic among the community. This poor security situation,
in addition to the lack of employment opportunities for Muslim
Slavs and the unsolved question of which languages are to be used
in school classes starting in September, is causing many families
to consider leaving for Bosnia.
62. In Pec municipality Muslim Slav communities
remain in Pec town, Vitomirica, Orasje and Brezanik. According
to estimates from community leaders, the overall number of Muslim
Slavs seems to have risen to about 4,500, a rise of 500 since
mid-July 1999. Of these, 2,000 are in Pec town, with returns expected
in the near future. In Vitomirica, the current population is around
2,300, as compared to 2,700 before the war, according to the Mother
Teresa Society. This community is also expected to grow. In Orasje,
from the 20 families of Muslim Slavs that were reported to live
in the village before the war, 11 families remain whereas 165
Muslims are still in Brezanik. Although relations with the local
Albanians appear to be good in Pec town, Brezanik and Orasje,
a few cases of intimidation, theft and looting have been reported
in Vitomirica and Orasje supposedly at the hands of Albanian groups
from outside the region.
63. Few Muslim Slavs remain in Klina municipality.
Only one Muslim Slav family is thought to have returned to Klina
town from Montenegro recently. The situation of the 500-600 Muslim
Slavs in Dobrusa village in Istok municipality, which they almost
exclusively inhabit, has improved as a result of increased KFOR
patrolling. Acts of looting against them are on the decrease recently,
although they are still viewed with suspicion by Albanians in
the villages to the south of them. However, Albanians from this
village are reported to have been targeting the Muslim Slav population
of about 80 persons in the near-by village of Kasica. In Karaull,
where about 100 Muslim Slavs constitute about half of the population,
the situation is reasonably calm, although the fact that some
Albanians have occupied the homes of absent Muslim Slavs could
create problems if the latter return in the near future.
Turkish
64. The Long-established Turkish community
in Kosovo continues to use Turkish as its mother tongue, although
most of its members also speak Albanian and Serbo-Croat. In the
1974 Constitution of Kosovo (repealed in 1989 by the federal government)
Turkish was recognised as the third official language of the Province.
The Turkish community is politically organised, represented mainly
by the Turkish Democratic Union and enjoyed access to primary
and secondary education in its mother tongue. Many members of
the Turkish community left for Turkey or were otherwise displaced
by the recent conflict. However, some families are now returning
to Kosovo.
65. In Pristina city about 3,000 of the
estimated original 5,000 Turkish population are dispersed throughout
town and are on fairly good terms with the Albanian population,
although they report concerns about the impact of the general
levels of violence on their freedom of movement. Community leaders
state that Turks are returning with Albanians from countries that
hosted them during the conflict under the Humanitarian Evacuation
Programme and that another 3,000 Turks are estimated to be living
in the rest of the municipality.
66. Turkish communities are scattered throughout
Mitrovica, Vucitrn and Zvecan municipalities. Over 260 families
have registered with the local Turkish Democratic League. No security
incidents involving this Turkish population have been reported.
67. According to community leaders, about
1,950 Turks live in Gnjilane municipality, 1,500 in the main town
with the rest in the village of Dobrcane. These figures may be
somewhat inflated given that the 1991 census only gave 780 as
the number of non-Albanians/Serbs/Roma in the area.
68. A sizeable Turkish community (estimated
at over 10,000 by community leaders) remains in Prizren town where
Turkish is also spoken by the Albanian population as a result
of Prizren's significance under the Ottoman Empire. There have
been some reports of Turks in this area being told to speak Albanian
when in public. Mamusa village in the municipality is almost entirely
Turkish (estimated population 5,000). There are also some Turkish
communities dispersed in Pec town.
Croats
69. About 450 Croats still remain in Janjevo
village in Lipljan municipality. Although relations between the
various ethnic groups in this village remain generally good there
appears to have been an increase in tension between the Albanian
and Croat communities, with some Croats reporting threats against
them. Two Croats from Pristina have now taken refuge in Janjevo
after having been physically assaulted. They consider themselves
to have been the last Croats in Pristina.
70. Croats are still in Letnica and Vrnavokolo
villages in Vitina municipality, while about another 80 live in
Sasare. These communities continue to be subjected to looting,
threats and house-breaking, allegedly by Albanian gangs from Ljubiste.
Cerkezi
71. This group arrived in Kosovo from the
Kafkaz mountains in Russia more than 80 years ago and settled
in Milosevo in Obilic municipality. The Cerkezi are Muslims and
speak Albanian, Serbo-Croat and Cerkish. Although in their culture
and traditions they seem closer to Albanians than to Serbs, they
have traditionally maintained good relations with both communities.
During the conflict they were expelled to the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia and some of their houses were burned by
Serbs. It appears that all of the 100 Cerkezi have returned to
Milosevo (in mid-July 1999 two families were thought to have gone
to Russia). Unfortunately, it seems that as a result of their
expulsion during the conflict their relationship with their Serb
neighbours has suffered.
ACTION TAKEN
BY UNHCR AND
OSCE
72. Given the alarming deterioration in
the situation for many minority communities over the last two
months, UNHCR and OSCE have been actively engaged in monitoring
and devising initiatives that will allow those still present to
remain in an environment where their human rights are fully respected,
and promoting conditions which will eventually allow those displaced
to return in safety and dignity. In order to maximise the capabilities
of the international community, the Ad Hoc Task Force on Minorities
chaired by the DSRSG for Humanitarian Affairs has met on a weekly
basis to plan and co-ordinate action.
73. Action taken:
— Review of security strategies.
UNHCR/OSCE have worked with KFOR to identify
individuals or communities which require increased physical protection.
In some areas KFOR has deployed a 24-hour presence. In addition,
UNHCR has explored with KFOR creative methods of increasing the
security and confidence of isolated, vulnerable persons, such
as funding a KFOR programme to repair and reinforce the doors
of minority homes in Pristina. UNHCR/OSCE helped to establish
a hotline for lead agencies to KFOR on minority protection.
Assisted transfer/family reunion to other areas
in Kosovo/the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) for those particularly
at risk is effected by UNHCR only as a last resort in the absence
of a local solution.
— Enhanced UN civilian policing presence/capacity.
UNHCR/OSCE have repeatedly called for the early
deployment of the United Nations International Police (UNIP) and
have worked with the international police to identify locations
for priority policing. For example, UNIP took over the security
of the Roma camp in Obilic in the reporting period.
— Calls for political pressure on Albanian
leaders to take responsibility for preventing continued harassment
and violence.
UNHCR/OSCE have, as part of the UNMIK structure,
reiterated the need for clear action on the part of the Albanian
leadership to stop the cycle of revenge. On a local level, both
agencies have been involved in dialogue with local Albanian and
other community leaders in order to diffuse the situation in their
particular area.
— Expansion of mediation/reconciliation
activities at local level
OSCE/UNHCR have facilitated dialogue between
community leaders in various locations. Such efforts are to be
sensitively but vigorously pursued even at this early stage. In
some instances, mediation has already borne fruit, for example
the return of some Roma families to Landovica village in the Prizren
area.
Apart from facilitating dialogue, UNHCR and
OSCE will also promote other confidence-building measures, such
as "go and seè visits to allow displaced individuals
to visit their homes, setting up of community centres, gradual
integration of child-play schemes in mixed communities, etc.
— Ensuring access of minority communities
to humanitarian assistance and medical treatment
Given the limited freedom of movement of many
minority communities plus a fear of approaching Albanian-run institutions,
many persons are denied access to markets, shops and hospitals.
Accordingly, UNHCR has designed a special distribution network
for humanitarian aid for needy minority groups, drawing where
possible on community structures. In parallel with efforts being
made to ensure that public medical facilities are non-discriminatory,
UNHCR Field Offices have set up interim systems using dedicated
non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and local doctors to provide
medical care for minority groups in their area.
As a general strategy, UNHCR aims to ensure
that careful targeting of assistance may emphasise the benefits
of a multi-ethnic existence, for example through rapid shelter
assistance for Albanian communities who live close to minority
groups whose homes have not been destroyed.
— Securing access of minority communities
to educational facilities and employment opportunities
The ability to participate in the employment
market is critical to the long-term prospects for minority communities
in Kosovo. Many of them, particularly Serbs, used to be employed
in state-run institutions and are now therefore jobless. In the
current climate, apparent discrimination in the job market and
limited freedom of movement effectively has forced many persons
from minority communities out of the job market and into dependency
on humanitarian assistance.
As for education, this is a critical matter
given that the scholastic year is about to commence. Recently,
growing concern has been expressed by minorities about this issue,
placing it as a key factor behind whether they will leave in the
next few weeks. For those children, such as Serbs, some Roma and
Muslim Slavs, whose first language is not Albanian, instruction
in the public schools about to re-open may not be feasible in
all locations. Again security issues would also prevent many children
attending Albanian-run schools. Therefore, apart from long-term
work required to ensure an integrated schooling system where children
of all backgrounds are welcomed and receive adequate instruction,
in the short-term steps need to be taken for schooling in the
coming months.
— Improving communication and freedom
of movement for minority communities
The physical and psychological isolation of
many communities and indeed individuals has a tremendous impact
on the viability of their being able to remain. UNHCR is taking
practical steps to improve the situation for some particularly—affected
communities; for example in Orahovac it hopes to provide on a
regular basis a satellite phone for the Serb community to call
relatives and in Gnjilane bus lines are planned to allow Serb
communities to visit each other and facilities, such as markets.
— Promotion of fully-functioning criminal
justice system
Not only should this act as a deterrent to criminal
acts against minorities but should raise confidence in minority
communities that action is taken against their persecutors. OSCE
has assisted in the identification of a multi-ethnic judiciary
that are hearing cases in interim courts set up by UNMIK. Both
OSCE and UNHCR have been involved in discussions on the establishment
of a representative and transparent Commission for the long-term
selection of the Kosovo judiciary.
The frustration on the part of the Albanian
community about crimes against them going unpunished needs also
to be addressed. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) will only be able to pursue the most egregious
violations. A mechanism needs to be set in place to record and,
in due course, investigate other human rights abuses.
— Legal protection of minorities
UNHCR/OSCE will take a pro-active approach in
establishing a domestic legal framework in the interest of the
protection of minorities in Kosovo. The Council of Europe Framework
for the Protection of National Minorities, as well as the UN Declaration
on the Rights of Persons Belonging to Minorities contain important
guidelines in this respect. Non-discrimination policies and particular
protection measures in the education, language and cultural areas
are key to sustainable minority protection. The network of legal
aid and information centres set up by UNHCR will provide practical
assistance to minority groups in securing their full rights.
UNHCR/OSCE
8 This joint UNHCR/OSCE monitoring and reporting initiative
is the result of action taken by the Ad Hoc Task Force on Minorities
chaired by the Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General
(DSRSG) for Humanitarian Affairs. Back
9
For example, see paragraphs 20-21. Back
10
According to community leaders the current Serb population is
around 16,000 (including 1,400 displaced). However, the 1991 census
gave a figure of about 14,300. Back
11
The Serb population is estimated at 16,000 (including 3,000 displaced)
by community leaders but thus could be inflated given that the
1991 census figure was around 7,600. Back
12
The so-called "ethnic Romà clearly identify themselves
as Roma and use Romany as their mother tongue, although they can
also speak Albanian and/or Serbo-Croat. They have a proud cultural
tradition and links with Roma communities in other countries.
By contrast, the Ashkaelia (who are Albanian-speaking), have always
identified themselves as Albanian and lived close to the latter
community. Nevertheless they are treated as slightly separate
by the ethnic Albanians. Another community who distance themselves
from the ethnic Roma are the Egyptians (considered by some observers
to be Ashkaelia) who speak Albanian but claim to have come originally
from Egypt. It is thought that their ancestors may have followed
Alexander the Great from India to Egypt where they settled for
a period before venturing to Europe. Whatever their origins, they
are perceived by the Albanian community to be Roma for whom a
separate identify was created about 10 years ago by the Belgrade
regime in order to promote the image of a multi-ethnic, rather
than Albanian-dominated, Kosovo. Both the Ashkaelia and Egyptians
follow the Muslim faith. Finally, there are the Cergari Roma who
follow the Orthodox faith, speak Serbo-Croat (although they may
also be able to converse in Romany) and have a nomadic lifestyle,
travelling usually between Serb-populated areas. This group was
closely aligned to the previous Serbian administration and as
such tends to be shunned by other Roma. There are also some Catholic
Roma found near the Croat communities in Lipljan. Back
13
Please see footnote 5. Back
14
Postscript: On 2 September 1999 four members of a Roma family
in Dragoljevac Istok were murdered. Back
15
Postscript: On 30 August 1999, a Roma man was beaten to death
in Rudice, Khna. Back
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