Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 40 - 59)

THURSDAY 4 MAY 2000

MR PETER HAIN MP, MR PAUL HARE AND MR IAN BAILEY

  40. But in the end who makes the decision?
  (Mr Hain) The DTI is the issuing authority and so therefore—

  41. Advice will be received from different Departments but at the end it is the DTI that decides?
  (Mr Hain) Indeed[2].

  42. And if I can be clear about it, you have a situation here where I do not think there is any doubt that this in foreign policy terms is a breach of an agreement we had with the European Union about arms policy. It is very difficult to see what foreign policy objective can be served by aiding Hawks to fly in the Congo. In the end it was commercial considerations that was taken by a commercial department.
  (Mr Hain) These decisions are taken on a variety of criteria which are all laid out in our very tough 1997 critieria. You take into account defence considerations, industry and trade considerations, foreign policy considerations and any development considerations and you weigh those in the balance and come to a decision.

  43. In the end it is the Secretary of State?
  (Mr Hain) We try to get a concerted decision on the basis of consensus. There is not only one interest in this, the foreign policy one. From my point of view as a Foreign Office Minister that is the most important matter and therefore, not disregarding other matters, I make my own recommendations on policy against that background, but other Ministers in other departments have other interests, quite properly, within government to pursue.

Dr Godman

  44. What status does a European Union Declaration have? I am asking this question obviously in relation to the Declaration of the 18 June last year. It obviously has not got the power of a Directive. It is not akin to a regulation. Is it a statement of honour that a Member State will abide by a communal obligation? Is it that level of status?
  (Mr Hain) Yes, it is, a Council of Ministers decision which we all seek to comply with. I might add, Dr Godman, that nobody in Europe that I am aware of, none of our European partners, has actually objected to this decision. We have not had any protests from Member States that I am aware of. NGOs of course have quite properly exercised their views on the matter. It is not a legally binding decision but it is one which we would normally expect to consider.

Chairman

  45. Solemn and binding but not legally binding?
  (Mr Hain) Indeed.

Dr Godman

  46. But your officials have no information concerning other breaches of this declaration by Member States of the European Union?
  (Mr Hain) In respect of the Congo specifically. I do not have any information to hand on that. If we did have any in the Department I will happily supply the Committee with it.

Chairman

  47. May I therefore turn to the status of yesterday's statement in the context of the European Union? This is a national decision to impose a military embargo on arms and military equipment in view of the present spread of violence and an urgent review of all existing licences. The Foreign Secretary yesterday in column 157 of Hansard said this about the European Union context, in answer to my question: "I assure my hon. Friend, who has raised an important matter, that we will draw the attention of all our European Union partners to the decision that I announced today. Under the EU code of conduct, we would expect to be consulted by any partner country that is contemplating a sale to Zimbabwe, although I am not aware of any country that is doing so." This statement yesterday is a part of the whole of the European code of conduct process? I thought that for it to be a part of the European code of conduct process it would have to be a collective decision to impose such embargoes.
  (Mr Hain) No. I think that the point here is that if we felt for example that another Member State was wishing to supply the spares for these Hawks—there are other routes for them, by the way; it is not simply British ones and it is quite possible that the Zimbabweans can get these spares through other routes. It does not change the nature of our decision. All the Foreign Secretary was seeking to register is that we would expect anybody who might be considering that to consult with us as is provided for under the EU code of conduct[3].

  48. You believe that the European Union code of conduct as it were bites when any nation state makes a national decision about whether it intends to sell military equipment of the kind described yesterday by the Foreign Secretary that he was going to refuse in future, that the moment any nation state party to the European Union code of conduct says that, the process of consultation and denial as it were would automatically take place?
  (Mr Hain) Perhaps I can clarify the situation this way, that the code of conduct covers minimum standards across the board in respect of all countries and minimum standards in respect of the criteria. Each Member State might have, and in this case we do have now, a tougher policy in respect of any individual country concerned. Therefore what the Foreign Secretary was signalling was that this tougher policy has been announced and we would hope that our European partners would therefore consult with us if they were—

  49. "We would hope that they would consult" is rather different from the language within the code of conduct where there is, I think, a clear obligation to consult?
  (Mr Hain) It is an obligation.

  50. And then the denial process takes place. Is this decision by the Government yesterday, welcome as it is, part of the process and will that process take place so that any other Member State in the European Union who wishes to sell any kind of equipment described in the Foreign Secretary's statement yesterday will actually go through the code of conduct process and consult with us on the denial and so on, and that will take place?
  (Mr Hain) What I was saying in respect of what I hope was a diplomatic way of signalling to our European partners is that there is an obligation under the code on them to consult us on this particular decision3. I emphasise however that there is no European Union embargo on supply of arms in this situation. It is an agreement as of 1999.

  51. The Foreign Secretary said he was going to be talking about these issues to his colleagues.
  (Mr Hain) This weekend.

  52. Will he be seeking to get a collective agreement of the kind that he announced yesterday in relation to sales of arms?
  (Mr Hain) I do not want to anticipate the discussions but he is intending to report our decision and obviously to consult with his ministerial colleagues.

  53. Would you consider it not only desirable but hopefully a common viewpoint, given the standard collective feeling he has got so far from the European Union, that they would agree to join with us in this collective embargo?
  (Mr Hain) If I may, Chairman, I respect your reasons for probing on this but I will leave it at that. He is intending to consult with his foreign minister colleagues to explain the reason for our decision.

Ann Clwyd

  54. Could I ask you whether you are yet in a position to answer a question I asked the Foreign Secretary yesterday in column 156 of Hansard about the spares for Hawk aircraft sold to Kenya and the report in the Harare Financial Gazette that the spare parts are being re-exported to Zimbabwe? Do you have any information on that? Was any assurance sought from Kenya when the sales of spares for Hawks were made to Kenya and, if it is found to be the case, will we be exporting any more spare parts for Hawks to Kenya?
  (Mr Hain) We have checked this in every possible way including in Kenya and we have not been able to corroborate this report at all. Obviously, were it to be found to be true, it would be a matter of very clear concern. We would have to take the appropriate steps. We have not been able to corroborate it at all. It does not mean to say it is not true but we have taken every step in the time available to check it.

  55. Has the Kenyan Government been asked directly?
  (Mr Hain) Our post in Nairobi has explored every possible avenue, both diplomatically and commercially. So far in the time available we have not been able to get any collateral for this.

Chairman

  56. We have had an exhaustive discussion on Zimbabwe. The second area left over from our last report was the situation of arms licensing to Pakistan on which we will raise similar issues to the ones we have just been discussing. After the 12 October coup as we understand it no licences have been issued to Pakistan, that something like 85 standard licences are outstanding as of 17 March, 41 of them were made before October 1999. A sort of informal embargo has been in place for over six months. In a sense, reversing our line of inquiry, we have received representations from the Defence Manufacturers' Association saying that this kind of limbo land, this in-between informal embargo but not a declared one, in the absence of an agreement with European Union partners on the position, has led to prevarication and indecision on the licences and they say the status of the whole thing needs clarifying. How would you respond to that criticism?
  (Mr Hain) I am not sure, Chairman, whether you are encouraging us to respond to their requests in contradiction to your previous line of questioning. To be absolutely frank with you and with them, the situation in Pakistan is very fluid. There is no formal arms embargo and there is no de facto or informal one either. Each application is considered very strictly according to the criteria which we have established. In particular for the fact that the equipment involved might be used for external aggression and the situation in Kashmir, as everybody will be aware, is extremely fragile and fraught and changes almost on a weekly basis. I accept that it is frustrating for suppliers and those who wish to supply the equipment involved, but I do not think it would be responsible for us prematurely to make a decision when the situation is so fluid, especially over such a tinderbox as Kashmir in a situation where there are pretty heavy arms in the region.

  57. As I understand it the informal embargo, because we have never declared it,—
  (Mr Hain) There is no embargo.

  58. This informal freeze is perhaps the word being used.
  (Mr Hain) No. There is no freeze, either formal or informal. It is a very careful consideration—

  59. It is a stringent examination of individual licences?
  (Mr Hain) Indeed.


2   The memorandum to the Trade and Industry Committee in 1998 clarifies that discussions continue between Departments until a particular outcome is agreed. Back

3   Note by witness: We will submit a note to the Committees clarifying these answers: Ev, p 18, Appendix 4. Back


 
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