Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Appendices to the Minutes of Evidence


APPENDIX 17

Memorandum submitted by Dr Jane Duckett, University of Glasgow

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  Relations between the UK and China have improved since the Hong Kong handover in 1997. However there is a common view in China that the UK punches below its weight in terms of economic investment and trade. Cultural and educational exchanges are increasing, and UK influence is already growing due to an enhanced DfiD role. The UK could do more to promote human rights and political development by continuing to criticise human rights abuses while aiding legal institutionalisation and providing training to improve bureaucratic capacity and good governance. The UK is short of expertise on China and sustained investment and support will be needed to ensure a firm foundation for the long term development of Chinese studies.


INTRODUCTION

  1.  This submission is based on knowledge and experience gained over 17 years of studying, researching, teaching and writing about China. Since the early 1990s I have researched Chinese politics and government, most recently focussing on social policy.

  2.  General overview of the situation in China. It is more than twenty years since China first embarked on its economic reforms. The economic, social and political transformations in this period cannot be overstated. Economic reforms were begun in the late 1970s in part to revive the credibility of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in China. However the deep social and ideological changes have in many ways weakened CCP and party-state power. CCP claims to rule are now largely staked on ability to deliver economic growth and development, and economic recession would bring both serious social problems and political instability. Such problems and instability could only damage China's prospects for international integration and domestic political development.

CHINA-UK RELATIONS

  3.  Overview of Chinese-UK relations. Relations between the UK and China are commonly agreed to have improved since the return of Hong Kong. Perceptions in China of the UK generally remain good among the informed urban population: the UK is respected for its economic strength, and has an image as a cultured, civilised society. However there is a common view in China that the UK punches below its weight in terms of economic activity and investment in China. The UK is seen as closely allied with the United States, and resentment toward the US (seen as continually seeking to dominate and interfere in the domestic politics of other nations) spills over on to Britain. The NATO intervention in Serbia, and particularly the NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, has seriously damaged the image of Britain and other Western nations for fairness and integrity. Almost all Chinese people, even those living outside China, believe that the attack on the embassy was deliberate.

  4.  Culturally and educationally, the UK profile has been raised significantly in China in the last few years. There is now much better awareness of and information on educational opportunities in the UK. The British Council, though underfunded, continues to do good work in promoting British cultural and educational exchanges in China. The UK has benefited from the EU Higher Education Programme, which has significantly increased the numbers of Chinese academics visiting the UK and working collaboratively with UK academics. An enhanced DfiD role in China has already increased UK influence and status, and brought UK expertise to China.

CHINESE DEVELOPMENTS

  5.  Politics. Chinese politics, despite their very public veneer, are still determined by personal relations within the top elite. Developments in even the near future are therefore difficult to predict. Although Jiang Zemin is not considered (inside and outside China) a particularly skilful or talented leader, with no more "Long March" leaders left, it is unclear whether there are any serious challengers. However with no mechanisms in place for a transparent and institutionalised leadership succession, current and future leaders will always be les than secure.

  6.  With the death of Deng Xiaoping, China has entered a new period in which the CCP is led for the first time by a second generation of leaders who did not actually resist the Japanese invasion in the Second World War and lead the CCP to power. This generation of leaders is less respected in China than its predecessor, and under greater pressure therefore to demonstrate capacity to govern, provide leadership, deliver economic growth and prosperity, and defend national interests. Rhetoric of nationalism and national pride, long used by the CCP leadership, has been particularly prominent since the 1990s. This nationalism is increasingly reflected back in societal demands that the party-state leadership be more assertive in international issues that affect China's status and sovereignty. Media controls prevent real debate over issues of national sovereignty such as Taiwan, Hong Kong, Tibet and the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. On all these issues, it is commonly argued in China (perhaps more among younger generations) that Chinese sovereignty and unity must be protected. Using nationalism to generate support makes the leadership vulnerable to accusations of weakness, and goes some way to explaining the sabre-rattling in the Taiwan Straits. However, some among the urban intelligentsia believe that war over Taiwan is now more likely than it was five years ago, and that although undesirable, may be necessary to prevent the humiliation of a Taiwanese declaration of independence.

  7.  Human rights. Although some progress has been made in China toward improving human rights in the 1990s, infringements and abuses are still widespread. The concept and principle of human rights has been officially accepted and there is now greater awareness of it across society. Urban dwellers in the largest cities readily speak of human rights, and of a growing awareness of this as an issue to be addressed by "modern" civilised societies. Awareness of human rights is less in the poorer parts of rural China, where there is as a consequence, for example, much more likelihood of brutality on the part of the police and security forces and local officials. Such brutality is of course also present in urban China, but it is now less acceptable there and more likely to be challenged. However, human rights abuses continue to be widespread and serious. Political activists, labour organisers, and protestors against religious and ethnic repression, are regularly arrested, beaten and imprisoned without fair trail. Capital punishment in China continues to be used for a wide range of criminal offences and in a large number of cases (running into the thousands) each year. However, these commonly reported human rights issues are only the tip of the iceberg. Because there is no guarantee of free and fair trial, there are many more miscarriages of justice, often affecting the poorest and weakest in society.

  8.  Any progress toward improving the human and other rights of the Chinese population needs to be founded on the institutionalisation of the rule of law. There has been an enormous amount of new legislation in China over the last twenty years, some of which makes legal provisions for equality and rights (for example for the elderly, disabled, women). This has gone some way forward creating a better environment for the protection of certain rights. However, legislation is often not implemented, and people cannot always safely pursue complaints against abuses in power or challenge infringements of their legally-stipulated rights. Better monitoring of the implementation of laws and the independence of the courts, and enhancement of an awareness of legal rights, are needed to strengthen the rights of the population. It would also promote better government, and create a firmer foundation for democratic political institutions.

POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

  9.  The inroads in establishing human rights principles are largely due to international pressure and publicity. This shows that international pressure can work. It should continue. Given the growing social inequalities amid economic growth and prosperity, the Chinese government's claims that as a developing country economic and social rights take precedence over civil and political rights sound increasingly hollow. However, attention should be focussed not only on the release of prominent political activists, but also on strengthening the legal system and the independence of the courts. This would aid both the activists and the many ordinary citizens who suffer miscarriages of justice.

  10.  Both human rights and political stability would be aided by better governance and public administration. The UK could provide training and education to improve the civil service, combat corruption, and strengthen government capacity in economic and social policy. Currently, emphasis is placed on training of central government officials and experts. However, decentralisation has placed much of the power to develop and implement policy in the hands of provincial, city and country officials, and these people are much less likely to be well-trained. Central government bureaucratic expertise does not always percolate down to even the larger cities. More advice and training should be targeted at the sub-national levels of the state bureaucracy.

  11.  Regional and social inequalities hinder social and economic development and increase political instability in China. Poverty alleviation and redistribution among regions should therefore be supported and encouraged. International attention to poverty alleviation in China over the last decade has been important in maintaining this as a priority, and should continue.

  12.  The UK continues to be hampered in its relations and trade by a shortage of knowledge and expertise on China. China is taken much more seriously in the United States, Australia and Asia, and in other parts of Europe, and the UK lags behind in terms of numbers of academics engaged in research and numbers of students graduating with Chinese language skills. The recent Higher Education Funding Council initiatives to develop Chinese studies in the UK are welcomed and will be highly beneficial, but they will need strong support and continued investment to establish a firm foundation for the future growth of the field.

22 May 2000


 
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