Select Committee on Health Third Report



VI  PROBLEMS WITH NHS CONSULTANTS' PRIVATE PRACTICE

42. It has been put to us that there are potentially three key problems posed by NHS consultants engaging in private practice: the first is that lucrative private practice can tempt consultants away from their NHS work to the extent where they fail to meet their contractual obligations to the NHS; the second is that NHS consultants who work in the private sector have perverse incentives to keep their NHS waiting times high, so that demand for their lucrative private work is stimulated; the third is that the system is inequitable: patients able to pay for their treatment privately can queue-jump patients on the NHS, irrespective of their comparative clinical needs. We examine these problems in turn.

Private practice and NHS obligations

43. We have already noted the difficulty in establishing accurate figures for hours worked by consultants in the NHS and the private sector, and that most of the figures currently available come from self-reported surveys. However, even according to these, approximately 5% of consultants sampled by the 1998 MORI poll commissioned by the Doctors and Dentists Review Body were working less than 35 hours a week for the NHS, and therefore failing to meet their contractual obligations. If this reflected national patterns, it would mean that over 1,000 consultants were failing to meet their obligations to the NHS. The BMA conceded this point,[69] although they pointed out that the survey failed to calculate on-call duty, and thus exaggerated the number of consultants failing to meet their obligations. They thought that, accounting for this factor, a more accurate figure for consultants failing to meet the terms of their contracts might be "a few hundred".[70]

44. While it is difficult to determine the reasons for the failure of those consultants to meet their NHS obligations, it has been put to us that one reason is their private practice. This is particularly the case for the meeting of flexible commitments, as the Consumers' Association told us: "in terms of supervision of junior staff, consultants' flexible commitments may suffer if they are spending time in private practice. That has implications for the monitoring and training of junior staff, which in turn has implications for patient care. We are not just talking about patient care in the NHS; we are talking about in the private sector as well".[71]

45. Although it is an extreme example, and is not indicative of the work performed or the attitude of the vast majority of consultants, the case of Rodney Ledward is a disturbing example of the way NHS systems can fail to deal with serious failings in consultants' service to the NHS. Even when GPs and fellow consultants raised concerns that there was an imbalance of work being conducted by consultant gynaecologists (with two consultants carrying out two thirds of overall work, and another two consultants carrying out the remaining third), the Ritchie report still commented that it was "a sad and sorry tale" that the situation took so long to deal with (although many other factors were in play in that particular case).[72] The report concluded that "As NHS consultants are permitted to carry out private work, it is vital that their private work should not in any way prejudice (i) patient care in either sector or (ii) the proper fulfilment of their contractual obligations to their employing NHS Trust".[73]

46. All witnesses to our inquiry were in agreement that whenever a consultant fails to meet their NHS obligations action should be taken. The BMA told us that it was a "very small number of doctors who do not fulfil their contracts. I do not defend that. There are mechanisms extant to enable that to be dealt with. It is called breach of contract. There is a law and a discipline procedure to deal with that".[74]

47. In practice, it is not possible to ascertain the extent to which consultants are failing to meet their NHS obligations because of their private practice, because the information collected on consultants' workload is, as we have noted, currently inadequate. In addition, we are not convinced that NHS trusts themselves have the information they need to be able to make this judgment about their consultants. This is why we believe it is vital that the trusts should have confidential access to accurate information about the hours spent by consultants in their different activities. Without that information, we are not convinced that the minority of doctors who abuse their NHS positions - as Rodney Ledward did - will be called to account.

Perverse Incentives

48. It is argued by some that allowing NHS consultants to conduct private practice creates a system in which there are in-built perverse incentives for those consultants to allow their NHS waiting times to increase, in order to stimulate demand for their more lucrative private practice. Professor Donald Light told us that "I have come to conclude that consultants' contracts constitute one of several government policies that maximise waiting times and maximise the number of patients going private".[75] In a recent article he went further and argued that elements of the consultants' contracts were "a blatant conflict of interest, an invitation for mischief". He identified a number of factors which created this situation, including:

  • the maximum part-time contract, which "is a government issued commercial licence....to build highly profitable businesses on the foundation of their NHS practices";
  • the "minimal obligations that the government sets so that full time consultants have plenty of free time to build up private practices";
  • the "control by consultants of the waiting lists and over how long different kinds of patients will wait.... Some routine practices in the NHS help to drive patients into [the private sector] such as notifying NHS patients when they have been given an appointment in ways that minimise the chances they can actually show up; scheduling theatre sessions to end an hour early;....These officially permitted practices mean less work at full pay and more patients ready to queue jump and pay large private fees."[76]

49. The ability of consultants to determine waiting lists and the length of time that patients have to wait leads Professor Light to recommend that "all referrals from GPs and consultants be run by an independent Waiting List and Booking Office that would manage the logistics of assigning and allocating patients among consultants in a geographical area".[77] The Minister appeared to approve of such a scheme and told us that ".... there are a number of trusts up and down the country which in key specialties have actually agreed to move away from consultant specific waiting lists and from consultant specific referrals and that has often developed, not exclusively, where people have developed booked admissions programmes.....I think that is a very good practice. There are some sensitive issues because if you have a team of surgeons with greater and greater specialism it will not always be appropriate to refer, as it were, to the general body or to the person with the shortest waiting list. That is an issue for GPs who are doing referrals as well as consultants. I saw a system in Lewisham the other day, for example, the direct booking system, which will enable GPs either to refer to any named consultant or to the consultant group as a whole. I think in broad terms we would encourage those types of development...".[78]

50. We support the suggestion that an independent waiting list and booking office be used as a way of reducing the 'perverse incentives' which exist in the system and we welcome the Minister's enthusiasm for this proposal. We recommend that an evaluation be carried out of such an office in order properly to assess the benefits and disadvantages it might bring.

51. Although the independent booking office is a welcome initiative, it is unlikely to deal with the problem in its entirety. The general question of the influence of private practice on NHS waiting lists would remain. Professor John Yates's evidence stated that contractual arrangements "place consultants in the invidious position where there is a conflict of interest. Such conflicts of interest are actively avoided in both commerce and the public sector. No electricity company official would expect to retain his employment if he offered to replace electricity meters in the evening, as a private arrangement, for an additional cash payment, in the event of the company being unable to change the meter as quickly as the customer would like. As one consultant neurosurgeon said in response to the patient asking whether his BUPA insurance would speed up treatment, 'Would the patient be so casual in offering a bribe if he was speaking to a police officer instead of an NHS consultant?'"[79]

52. Professor Yates pointed to long waiting times - which he admitted were caused by a range of factors, including some outside consultants' control - as offering, through their decision making process, a "potential conflict of interest" to consultants. He made the general point that "one consistent feature about waiting times.... is that those patients who are prepared to pay are treated much more quickly than those who wait their turn in the NHS". He gave a number of examples:

  • In 1994 outpatient waiting times and private sector rooms times in the NHS for orthopaedics and ophthalmology averaged 25 weeks and 19 weeks respectively; in the private sector they average two weeks;
  • between 1989-90 and 1994-95 median waiting times for NHS patients for inpatient and day case admission rose from 32 to 42 days; for private patients it fell from 11 to 9 days.[80]

53. Other witnesses had concerns regarding perverse incentives. The Consumers' Association told us that they were concerned about "whether there is a perverse incentive to sustain and create lengthy NHS waiting lists. It seems to make sense to me that if I was going to profit from private practice it is in my interests that waiting lists are long. It just does not seem to make sense and it is not suitable for a modern NHS to have such a contract".[81]

54. The Department's evidence acknowledged the suggestion of a conflict of interest, but stated that "there is no hard evidence that establishes beyond doubt the existence, extent or impact of these claims". It went on: "There is a correlation between those specialties with the longest waiting lists and those specialties where private practice earnings make up a substantial part of a consultant's income. However, this does not of itself demonstrate that the current consultant contract causes these long waiting lists".[82]

55. The BMA denied that their members were driven by perverse incentives, or that private practice influenced NHS waiting lists. Their representative told us that "I do not defend the waiting times on the National Health Service. However, I do not believe that has got anything to do with the current consultants' contract".[83] The BMA also asserted that "the causal link between waiting lists and private practice has not been held up by evidence".[84] The BMA also made the case that, as long as they met their NHS obligations, what consultants did in their own time should be for them to decide: "You could argue that if that consultant did not do private practice but was out with his family on Saturday, exactly the same would happen. Patients would still be kept waiting because he was not working. What we have to do is to make sure that the National Health Service gets full value from consultants".[85]

56. While causation and proof are hard to establish beyond doubt in this matter, a number of facts are not disputed. The first is the correlation noted in the Department's evidence between those specialties with the longest NHS waiting lists, and those which produce the most lucrative earnings for consultants in the private sector. The second is the findings of the Audit Commission in 1995 that "the 25% of consultants who do the most private work carry out less NHS work than their colleagues".[86] It has been put to us that some consultants are driven by perverse incentives into maintaining long NHS waiting lists in order to stimulate lucrative private practice. This, however, has not been proven to us. What is indisputable is that NHS patients wait longer than private patients, and that private earnings are highest in those specialties where NHS waiting times are longest. We recommend that the Department examine ways in which the suspicion of perverse incentives can be removed from the system.

Equity

57. As we noted above, NHS patients wait longer to be treated than those patients who can afford to be seen privately. Professor John Yates gave us a telling example of this, based on a real case:

58. Whatever improvements are made to consultants' contractual obligations to the NHS, and whatever steps are taken to reduce perverse incentives, the inequity of a system which allows patients of equal clinical need to queue jump ahead of others simply because of their ability to pay, seems to us to be indefensible. We sought to establish whether research had been conducted into the treatment given to patients of equal clinical need, between patients on the NHS and patients paying for private treatment, in terms of waiting times, quality of treatment, and outcomes. We were told that such research had not been conducted.[88] However, we were told by the Consumers' Association that a survey of NHS Chief Executives had established that 40% of them felt that consultants' private practice had a negative impact on waiting lists for operations; 37% thought it had a negative impact on waiting lists for out-patient clinics; and that 36% thought it had a negative impact on the supervision of junior staff.[89] It was put to us that a significant number of Chief Executives are concerned about the adverse impact consultants' private practice has on NHS patients. In order to get a better picture of what is happening in practice, we recommend that research be conducted into the comparative treatment of patients with similar clinical needs on the NHS, and of those who receive private treatment, in terms of waiting times, quality of treatment, and outcomes of treatment.

59. The inequity inherent in the system of NHS consultants having private practices led us to question witnesses as to the desirability and feasibility of separating the system, so that consultants worked either in the NHS or in private practice, but not both. The BMA told us that there would be a danger of losing consultants currently working in both sectors entirely to the private sector, particularly in certain specialties where there were already shortages.[90] The Minister noted that there would be practical problems in 'buying out' consultants' right to work in the private sector, in that consultants in those specialties for which there was little private demand would be likely to accept such an offer, but that it might not be taken up by those consultants in specialties where there was high demand for private work.[91]

60. The separation of NHS and private practice would have a number of significant knock-on effects. Put simply, some consultants would be likely to leave NHS work entirely, and a valuable resource would be lost. Other consultants might decide that it would be in their interests to work solely in the NHS. The consequent effects on the NHS and on health care generally would be complex and depend on many factors. This short inquiry would not have been the appropriate forum in which to examine those consequences in detail. However, we believe it is indefensible that patients with similar clinical needs receive significantly different treatment purely because of their ability to pay. Therefore we believe that the Government should make it a long-term objective that consultants in the NHS do not undertake private practice. We recommend that the Department commission research into what the effects of any such separation would be, and into ways in which incentives could be implemented and afforded which would help to keep the best consultants within the NHS. The NHS was founded on the principle of equity: it should put that principle into practice.


69   Ev., p. 43, para. 6.1. Back

70   Q 173. Back

71   Q 7. Back

72   An Inquiry into Quality and Practice Within the National Health Service Arising from the Actions of Rodney Ledward, 2000, p. 268. Back

73   Ibid p. 388. Back

74   Q 170. Back

75   Appendix 8. Back

76   Donald Light, "The Two Tier System Behind Waiting Lists", British Medical Journal, 2000:320, p. 1349. Back

77   Appendix 8. Back

78   QQ 293-294. Back

79   Ev., p. 9, para. 10. Back

80   Ev., p. 10, paras. 16-17.  Back

81   Q 7. Back

82   Ev., p. 32, paras. 22-23. Back

83   Q 161. Back

84   Q 219. Back

85   Q 164. Back

86   Audit Commission (1995), The Doctor's Tale, p. 44. Back

87   Ev., p. 8, paras. 2-4. Back

88   QQ 71-74. Back

89   Ev., p. 5. Back

90   Q 262. Back

91   Q 300. Back


 
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