Select Committee on International Development Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witness (Questions 94 - 99)

THURSDAY 6 JULY 2000

THE RT HON CHRISTOPHER PATTEN

Chairman

  94. Good morning, Mr Patten. We are very grateful to you for taking the time to come and talk to us.
  (Mr Patten) Can I apologise first of all for the fact that I am not able to spend longer with you. I am in between negotiating telephone calls with the Egyptian Foreign Minister about whether they will sign an association agreement with us. Patrick Child, however, is much cleverer than I and knows this subject backwards. I am very keen that you should have any written factual information you require so at the end of the meeting if there are things you have not got which you want, just say. Can I say two or three things at the outset? I come to this issue with quite a lot of interest and quite a few prejudices because, as Minister for Overseas Development in the eighties, I begin by being interested in the subject, but secondly, it touches on what I think is the biggest issue for the Commission, not whether the Commission should do more but whether it should do what it is already responsible for doing much better. I think that in the reform of the Commission, which Neil Kinnock is driving through with considerable energy and e«lan, the reform of our delivery of external assistance is absolutely crucial because as far as many people are concerned it is a flagship and because it has more effect internationally on the European Union's reputation than any of the important more technical issues, like activity based budgeting, that affect what happens here in Brussels. For me there is one big conceptual issue and there is one big management issue. The conceptual issue is this. People very often talk about our external assistance as though it was all traditional ODA and that is not true. The proportion of our external assistance which is traditional ODA has been declining. It has been declining as we have found ourselves spending more in Central and Eastern

Europe, as we have found ourselves spending more in the Balkans for example.

  95. Or the Mediterranean.
  (Mr Patten) Or the Mediterranean, where some of it is ODA and some of it has other purposes, for example in Egypt, and this association agreement is germane to this. In Egypt we have big health and education sector programmes both of which are worth about 100 million euros. We have got a 250 million euros industrial modernisation programme which you would not describe as official ODA (at least I think you would have some difficulty doing so) even though it might in due course have effects on economic development and so on. The part of our programme which is really developmental has to be more poverty orientated and that is something to which we are totally committed. It is something we have put out in a Commission communication, and I have no doubt at all that that has to be the way we push things. There are some political consequences of that, for example, if you are pressing for more orientation on poverty alleviation, what does that say about your programmes in Latin America where there is not an LDC? What does that say about the balance between Asia and Latin America? I just wanted to make that conceptual point at the moment. Even though what we do in Kosovo may help poor people it is not ODA in the sense of what we are doing through the EDF. The management point is for me fairly clear. We have seen a trebling by and large of our external assistance, that is, central and eastern Europe, the Balkans, plus ODA and so on, over the last few years. A consequence of that is that today we spend twice as much in Poland preparing for accession as we spend in Latin America and Asia combined. Maybe that is the right priority but maybe it is not the right priority, but that is the situation which we inherited. While external assistance has trebled there has been very little increase in the number of people managing it, so Poul Nielson and I find ourselves with about 2.9 people to manage every 10 million euros of assistance, I think the latest figure is, in comparison with the Department I know best in the official development world, DFID, which has 6.45. The figure for the Member States runs between four and nine. To some extent the Commission has got round that problem in the past. Heads of government commit us to spend 250 million on Operation Mitch. We have not got any staff to deal with it, so what do you do? You establish a bureau d'assistance technique, a TAO.

  96. Which is in fact a contractor, is it not?
  (Mr Patten) Yes. There are 80 of those employing about 800 people at a cost of about 200 million euros. The system has been rightly criticised for being largely outside proper budgetary and political control. Therefore when I look at reorganising the way we do things, that is quite central to my thinking. What is also central to my thinking is that at present we have to run an aid programme with Member States wanting to micro-manage every national programme rather than agreeing a strategy and then letting us manage, with all sorts of procedures regarding procurement and contracts which were frankly I think often devised in order to try to enable Member States to get a bigger share of the action for their own companies. All those problems make it a wonder that we manage anything at all. What do we want to do? First of all we want to enhance the quality of our programming. We want to focus on programming in the Commission in the political Directorates-General, my Directorate-General and Poul's. We want to establish a quality support group with the secretariat in Poul's DG which will ensure that our programme is of the highest quality and ensures that evaluation feeds back into our programming. We then want to have all the implementation, once the programming is agreed, in a separate organisation which we want to call Europe Aid but it could be called anything—Royal Opera House. We have that organisation based on our existing SCR and it does all the implementation, programming with us, agreed jointly. At the same time we want to wind up the technical assistance offices, pretty well all of them over the course of the next year. But that leaves us the problem of managing what they manage already. I am sufficiently politically experienced to know that if I simply go to Member States and say, "We want another n hundred people permanently on our staff", they are going to tell us to get lost. So what we are proposing is that we should use the operational credits which are available in the budget to take on contracted staff to work for Europe Aid. Does that just mean transferring people from the technical assistance offices to Europe Aid? No, because we think that we can actually deliver what the TAOs are doing already with fewer people than they are doing it. I am having to go and justify that as part of an exercise right across the Commission which is looking at staff numbers. It does not involve any breach in budgetary principle or concept since we already use operational credits for employing people out in our delegations for managing projects and we already use operational credits for some people who are contracted to work for us. Having done that (and we have started by making this proposition with MEDA) we want to focus input from Member States on programming and country programmes rather than on micro-management. With MEDA for example we have said to the Member States, "Look; we will agree the strategy for each country with you, but at the moment you insist on dealing with every single project". What is the result? The result is that they deal with 60 projects a year and 80 per cent of them in the last three months, so it may not surprise you to know that if we continued at the present striking rate with MEDA without making any changes it would take us eight and a half years to get through the backlog of commitments in the Mediterranean. It is madness. Overall, when I started to dig into this, we discovered that our overhang of commitments—that is not money swilling around; that is commitments we have made but which have to be paid for in each financial year and it is because of the rather French way in which the Commission budgets, in that you have both commitments and payments and they are treated separately—of 21 billion euros in external assistance—it is called the reste a« liquide«—which would take us four and a half years to get through. There are some areas where it is worse than that: eight and a half years for the Mediterranean, seven years for Asia, six and a half years for Latin America. One of my earliest visitors was a foreign minister from the Magreb who pointed out how often my predecessors had been to see him. I said I was not going to come so much because I was responsible for the whole world and there were quite a lot of diary obligations, and he said, "Don't worry. We will quite understand it if there are longer gaps between visits by commissioners, but what we would like is if there could be shorter gaps between what was promised when commissioners came and what was actually delivered." That is by and large what my/our political objective is. I do not blame our staff in the office who work incredibly hard with awful procedures in insufficient numbers, but what we have to focus on is the procedures and the number of people who can manage the programmes. There is another thing on which we have to focus, which is the relationship between how much we spend and what our political priorities are. I made a presentation to foreign ministers in the General Affairs Council on our budget six weeks ago, and it was the first time that there had ever been a discussion on the budget in the General Affairs Council.

  97. Extraordinary.
  (Mr Patten) There may be perfectly good reasons why we spend twice as much in Egypt as we do in Russia. There may be very good reasons for that but I am not sure that Ministers have ever made the judgment. There may be very good reasons why we spend significantly more in Central America than we do in the Caucasus and the Central Asian Republics combined. There may be extremely good reasons for that but I am not sure that Ministers have ever sat down with the Commission and actually reached that conclusion. What we are trying to do now—and this is a Commission proposal—is to build into the agenda of the foreign affairs ministers every year in the spring a discussion about budget priorities so that we can then go away and prepare a budget accordingly. At the moment what happens, as you can imagine, is that every proposal one makes for a cut here in order to allow an increase there is resisted by a different group of countries or a different group of MEPs.

  98. Thank you very much indeed for that overview. That is very useful indeed to us. As you know, this Committee has taken a fairly jaundiced view on the evidence that we have collected in a recent report, now 18 months old, of the governance here.
  (Mr Patten) I read it when I was briefing myself for this job.

  99. Now, because you have begun to make a move, we need to see what changes are possible and desirable. This is why we wanted to come today to talk to you in greater detail. One of the things that you have been putting forward in your communication was that you thought you ought to do less and do it better. What that implies is that we should scale back some of the assistance programmes. I wondered whether you had that in mind. Secondly, the micro-management question: it is quite clear that decisions are being taken in Brussels by Member States which should actually be delegated to your offices on the ground in the field, and that implies either employing extra people locally or employing people from Brussels and seconding them out there. How are we going to manage that? It seems to me that you have to get to a position where you have got the general thrust, the programme set out, agreed by the Commission and the Member States, and then let the people on the ground do it but make certain of course that it is good quality that they are producing. How are we going to get into that position?
  (Mr Patten) Let me clarify exactly what I said. I said this: "If you want us to spend this sort of money and spend it well, then we need the resources to do it. But if you do not give us the resources then I am going to come back to you and say we will have to do a lot less, because what I cannot do is to guarantee higher quality and faster delivered programmes with exactly the same resources as we have at the moment."


 
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