Select Committee on Social Security Appendices to the Minutes of Evidence


APPENDIX 22

Memorandum submitted by NatWest (CP 32)

NATWEST PAPER ON THE INSURABILITY OF WELFARE BENEFITS

  This paper examines briefly the factors which affect the insurability in the private sector of benefits which are currently provided by the state.

SUMMARY OF MAJOR WELFARE BENEFITS

    —  State pensions

    —  Widow's/widowers' benefits

    —  Unemployment

    —  Incapacity

    —  Benefits relating to disablement, care, attendance

    —  Child benefit

    —  One-parent benefit

    —  Income support

    —  Family credit

    —  Maternity benefits

    —  Housing related benefits

  The list covers a wide range of benefits, payable in different circumstances and for varying periods of time. For example, qualification conditions for a benefit may fall into one of the following categories or combine elements of each:

    —  automatic payment in specified circumstances eg, child benefit;

    —  payment depends on contributions or employment history eg, pensions;

    —  benefit is means tested eg, income support.

  There may also be age limits for claimants and/or limits on the length of time a benefit will be paid.

  Within these categorisations, benefits can be divided into those which are designed to help individuals maintain a social acceptable minimum income over a period of time and those which are designed to provide money when there are significant extra needs as a result of a particular event.

  Each benefit should be examined separately but there are a series of common tests which can be applied to establish the potential for effective private insurance.

PROFITABILITY

  At the most basic level, to make an underwriting profit, the premiums charged by an insurer must exceed the total of claims, expenses and distribution costs. In some cases, it is possible to write insurance business at an underwriting loss. In other words, claims paid plus expenses exceed premiums charged. This is because a profit can be made from investing premiums eg, if there is a long average period before claims payments are made. The existence of active insurance markets suggests that in many cases, people happily accept the certainty of the small loss (the premium) in exchange for the prevention of a large loss which may or may not arise.

  Providing value also depends on a straightforward but safe regulatory environment in which sales and administration costs can be kept to a minimum. Tax incentives can also reduce the effective premium to make insurance more attractive.

  The financial objectives of state provided insurance will be different from the private sector. Benefits are paid for by the state using money raised from taxation, including National Insurance. There need not be a direct relationship between the National Insurance "premium" and the level of benefit as there would be with private insurance. The state is therefore able to introduce greater cross subsidy between individuals and types of benefit. The financial objective of the state may be to provide an adequate and politically acceptable welfare system without imposing unacceptable costs on the Exchequer.

INDIVIDUAL CHOICE

  From the point of view of the individual, the basic profit requirement above means it is statistically unlikely that they will profit financially from the insurance. They will, however, be prepared to buy it if they value the security it provides more than the cost of the premium. This depends firstly on awareness of risk and secondly on attitude to risk. These factors vary between individuals and can be influenced by education and by marketing. Attitude to moral hazard may also play a part and is discussed later in this paper.

  Whether people prefer to insure privately rather than through the state will also depend on confidence in the provider. Many people believe that state benefits are more securely guaranteed but regular alterations of benefit conditions and calculations demonstrate this is not always the case. Benefits from private insurance depend on legally binding contracts and, in some cases, investment performance. It is also possible to construct compensation schemes to protect benefits if the insurer becomes insolvent.

  Given the choice different people will want to insure different benefits and at different levels. This is not a choice which exists within state welfare provision and it may be difficult to achieve in a privatised system. Assuming there is a socially acceptable minimum standard of living, there would still have to be a safety net for people who had chosen not to insure. If provision of the safety net is left to the state, it will effectively remain the welfare provider for those who choose not to insure or who cannot get insurance. The incentive would be not to insure, knowing that the state would still be there.

  Compulsion may therefore be required if insurance replaces welfare and it must be at or above the level required to provide the socially acceptable minimum. The compulsion does not have to force people to insure privately. People could be allowed a choice between state and private sector as the provider, as currently exists for contracting out of SERPS. A third choice might be to allow self insurance as an alternative ie, putting aside a certain amount of savings which cannot be used for other purposes.

CONTROL OVER THE INSURED EVENT

  Eligibility for state welfare is unlikely to depend on the reason that the individual needs help. Judgements are not based on whether "it's your own fault". In contrast, a general principle which applies to private insurance is that the insured must not bring about the insured event.

  There are some private insurances eg, redundancy cover and maternity cover where this principle would be hard to judge. If it is impossible or impractical to judge whether the insured has brought about the event, can the benefit be insured? In order to achieve the intended peace of mind, the individual needs some certainty of what is covered.

  If an event occurs which is not a valid claim but still results in a welfare need, how will the need be met? There could be an uninsured loss pool as exists for motor insurance or an industry reinsurer like Poole Re. If insurance is compulsory for all, this would provide a large enough pool to give more predictable incidence of claims and may allow wider cover. As with state welfare, good risks would be paying more than the strict cost of insurance and poor risks would get cheaper cover than would otherwise be possible.

  A risk which cannot be offset is the risk of economic recession or a very strong currency which may, for example, cause unemployment to rise across the country—a possibility a government but not an insurer has some control over.

FUTURE UNCERTAINTY

  The future uncertainty which affects the individual, also affects insurers and the state. Of the three, the state has the most control because it effectively defines welfare. The changing expectations of society shape the development of the various benefits.

  Insurance may be all about risk but insurers don't like to accept unquantified risks. It must be possible to quantify risk so that future claims incidence and cost is predicted with reasonable accuracy. This requires stable external influences during the period of insurance. It should be possible to base future insurance claims on past welfare claims but it is not straightforward—welfare conditions are frequently altered and costs are continually rising. If the definition of incapacity can be changed again in future, the risks become unquantifiable. The period of insurance will be limited to the number of years ahead for which claims can be comfortably predicted. The public, however, would prefer premiums to be fixed for a long period. They may be particularly reluctant to accept uncertain future costs if they are being set by insurers rather than elected representatives.

POOLING RISK

  It is necessary to build an acceptable portfolio containing balance of good and bad risks so that the correct premium can be calculated. Taking a benefit such as unemployment payments, different ages, occupations and geographical areas carry different risk. It may be possible to assess each individual using all available criteria and calculate the risk they bring to the pool. However, this would be an expensive process in itself and it would result in excessive and unaffordable premiums for some groups, who would find themselves uninsurable in a free market.

  The state could assume the risk for all those who were unable to buy insurance at a level which they can afford. To encourage take up of insurance, National Insurance rebates could be available for individuals who choose to take out private insurance. Such individuals would be unlikely to effect private insurance if the costs were much above the rebate level. The people remaining with the state would therefore be the ones with the highest premium and highest risk. In other words, as a provider of insurance the state would be selected against.

  Another option is to pool all the risks, charging everybody the same premium. For this to work, there could be no choice of insurer and the insurer could not turn down any individual. Otherwise, for example, insurers providing unemployment cover would actively market their products only to particular age groups, industries and geographical areas with low unemployment.

  A no claims bonus system may provide a compromise between individual risk assessment and national level pooling and could also reduce claims. Rather like with motor insurance, the incentive would be not to claim unless it is unavoidable.

  Another option would be to calculate the range of risk which is "normal" and for only that level to be insured. The state would then top up either the premiums or the benefits when the risk exceeds the normal level.

MORAL HAZARD AND FRAUDULENT CLAIMS

  There is some concern that the people who take out insurance may be those who most think they will need it. Similarly, the behaviour of someone who is well insured may be different from an uninsured person. They could be more willing to accept, or even seek out the risk they have insured, knowing that they are protected from its consequences.

  This seems unlikely in welfare insurance where benefits will be low and there is little to be gained by claiming. Of course, moral hazard is also present when the state is the provider. It is well known that there are fraudulent claims within the state welfare system and this is something the private sector would need to minimise, at least to the point where the costs of doing so don't outweigh the benefits. It is estimated that fraudulent claims amount to £4 billion a year which is approximately double the expected total cost of the pension transfer and opt-out review each year. Attitudes to fraudulent claiming have a part to play and they may vary between the public and private sectors. Research in this area would be useful to establish whether fraud could be reduced in the private sector.

  An element of savings which would be drawn on before a benefit began to be paid could act as a deterrent to claiming. Giving people individual accounts would also focus attention on the cost of welfare and it is possible to design a system which incentivises people not to claim because they will be paying the first part of the claim themselves.

ADMINISTRATION

  It may be possible to separate the administration from the insurance. In some parts of the World eg the USA, private administration is used for some state paid welfare. If the main benefit of privatisation is seen as administrative efficiency, this may be achievable without insurers taking on the risk. In terms of premium collection, the PAYE and NI systems operated largely by employers could be considered. Certainly, if contributions are compulsory then one way to ensure they are paid is deduction at source. New clearing house systems may be a viable alternative to divert the correct amounts to each insurer so that employers do not have to forward premiums to a number of providers.

  Claims administration costs can be reduced if deferred periods are used for benefits such as unemployment or incapacity where the claimant may recover.

FIT WITH OTHER SAVINGS

  It may be possible for savings to cover some of the risks. For example, the first two months of unemployment or incapacity. This would work like an excess in motor or household insurance to reduce the numbers of small claims. For this to work, the insured would have to have restricted access to the savings so that they can only be used in specific circumstances. When the funds are used up, the claim would start paying. This would also allow the customer virtually instant access to money while giving the insurer a couple of months to check the claim. A given level of savings could only cover one insured event unless the claims are mutually exclusive.

  When the claim is over, the insurer could continue to pay until the savings are restored or premiums could rise to cover the full insured amount until the savings had been restore. Alternatively, could the savings account be overdrawn and if so, would it be the state or private sector who underwrite any bad debts?

TRANSITION

  It is important that any new system does not exclude people but there are some existing welfare claimants no insurer would be willing to take on unless they were subsidised by the state.

  There have already been trends towards the private sector for medical, incapacity and old age care but a sudden move to the private sector would be socially and politically difficult.

  Partnership schemes will encourage people to move.

SUMMARY

  There are clearly some difficulties which arise if welfare insurance is provided by the private sector. For some forms of cover, it should be possible to overcome these problems.

  The market cannot provide a fully inclusive system without some state involvement. It may be necessary for the state to retain two roles. Firstly it can assume elements of the risk which are not insurable because the incidence or cost cannot be reasonably predicted. An example of this might be long term unemployment which is dependent on economic factors which insurers cannot influence (although short term unemployment might be insurable).

  Secondly, the state could help with costs of insurance for groups such as the elderly and the sick. For these groups higher premiums (essential to recognise the higher risks) will often be unaffordable. Unless the state remains the provider, such people would need assistance in order to get private insurance. This could take the form of support for the individual to enable them to pay the premiums or payments direct to insurers to meet premiums which exceed a certain level. This effectively separates out the redistributive welfare element of National Insurance from the insurance element. The redistributive element may benefit from simplification if the insurance element is privatised. Of course, over a period of time, the existence of adequate insurance against illness, redundancy etc will reduce the numbers of people whose income is reduced to the point where they cannot afford insurance.

  Alternatively, if homogenous products were developed and insurance was compulsory, a national average premium may be possible. Insurers would be compelled to accept people with no selection criteria. This basically transfers the redistributive functions to the private sector. People who bring a low risk to the pool would be paying too much and people at high risk would be undercharged.

  Some element of compulsion will be necessary to ensure people take out at least the minimum adequate cover. Within this, they may be able to choose between the state and the private sector or elect to self insure by setting aside savings which cannot be used for other purposes.

  Grouping similar insurances together may allow more efficient provision. For example, income protections insurance could cover illness, disability, accident, and redundancy. Such cover may also fit well within pension provision. Grouping risks will save administration and underwriting and provide a more diverse portfolio of risks.

  There needs to be a seamless fit between the state and private sector and a clear division of responsibility. This requires a degree of standardisation of insurance products, at least for the minimum adequate level of cover. To allow risks to be assessed with a reasonable amount of certainty, policy conditions will have to be immune from changes to welfare levels, eligibility or structure during the policy term. If there are such changes during the period of insurance they would have to be covered by the state.

  Segments which have the fewest obstacles are those where the level of risk varies the least between individuals, is reasonably predictable and is largely outside the control of the individual. These might include risks associated with:

    —  retirement

    —  sickness

    —  diablement

    —  death

  Less appropriate are risks associated with:

    —  Maternity, child benefit, one parent benefit

    —  Some types of unemployment

    —  Income Support, family credit

  Further research is required into some of the options discussed in this paper so that the most appropriate approach can be decided.

15 June 1999


 
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