LSE PUBLIC POLICY GROUP
Review of National Audit Office Report
HC548 Session 2001-02
HM Prison Service: Reducing Prisoner Re-offending
HM PRISON SERVICE:
REDUCING PRISONER
RE-OFFENDING
1. This report examines the role and performance
of the Prison Service, other related criminal justice bodies,
and education or health services in reducing the rate of prisoner
re-offending in England and Wales. It deals specifically with
prisoner programmes in developing thinking skills, basic national
curriculum skills, and drug rehabilitation and detoxification.
The analysis covers a range of issues, such as access to programmes,
the success of programmes, matching prisoners' needs to programmes,
and the availability and use of data for informing programme innovation.
Administrative and management context
2. The administrative and managerial context
is well conveyed in Part one of the report. The two large Figures
two and three help to illustrate the text. Several committees
and agencies have been set up over the past decade to address
the concerns of the government and the public about the high levels
of re-offending by ex-prisoners within two years of release, reconviction
rates averaging 56 per cent. The aims and methods employed by
such key units as the Offending Behaviour Programmes Unit and
the Drug Strategy Unit, their responsibilities and lines of accountability,
are summarised effectively. The study team provide some useful
metric data on prison populations and costs in a clearly understandable
form. For example, the average cost of a prison sentence imposed
at the Crown Court is £30,500, and the average cost of a
sentence to the Prison Service is £22,900 per year (paragraph
1.2). There is a good summary of the target mechanisms used in
the prison sector and of links to other criminal justice organisations.
There are some useful data on major constraints on effective rehabilitation
of prisoners, for instance, the fact that 80 per cent of prisoners
admit to drug use in the year before prison. However, it is unclear
what kinds of drugs are included here: data for drugs more serious
than cannabis would have been useful. The study team also give
some statistical information: for example, an 18 per cent rise
in the number of prisoners employed in workshops is noted, but
prison populations have risen by 45 per cent in the last decade.
Structure and presentation
3. The report is clearly and accessibly
structured. It begins with a "Foreword by the Comptroller
and Auditor General", which distils eight main points for
action. This section is a bit hard to interpret as a one-off.
Does it reflect the fact that the Executive Summary is rather
long at eight pages? Part one sets out the background to programme
development. It focuses well on the detailed structure of the
system and the main programme delivery units. Part two addresses
programme accreditation, and the important problem of scope and
reliability of data gathering. Part three covers the arrangements
for assessing the needs of individual prisoners, and trends in
access to programmes, which vary significantly by the type of
prison and region of the country. Part four examines the reliability
of information about resettlement arrangements and activities,
and reveals an array of shortcomings in both knowledge and performance
in resettling prisoners after release. Five appendices cover methods
and provide useful data, some of which should have been included
in the main text.
4. The report uses descriptive headings
for the Parts, which work well, but two orders of long narrative
sub-headings within Parts. On several occasions the second and
third level headings occur together, without any intervening text
(see pages 19, 21, 27, 29 and 37 (twice). In additional cases
narrative sub-headings of two sentences length are used (see pages
22, 24, 27, 28, 39 and 41). Some of the narrative sub-heads are
also long-winded. All three practices create over-long and complex
"heading spaces" in the text, and should be avoided.
The key rules should be: never have two headings directly adjacent
to each other without intervening text: never have two sentence
headings; keep even narrative headings as punchy as feasible.
The report is otherwise clearly written, tackling a difficult
topic in an accessible way. There are some bits of awkward wording
or phrasing, (such as the over-long redescriptive sentence in
paragraph 1.9 relating to improving thinking skills), but these
are rare.
Graphics and statistics
5. Those graphs and statistics included
are relevant and well designed. The report includes a useful amount
of data and some more innovative graphs are used, notably the
box and whisker plots showing the range of spending per prisoner
per year on education in Figure 18, although the columns here
should have been arranged in a numerical progression. Figure 15
also shows nicely the extent of variation in access to Enhanced
Thinking Skills courses (page 30), although a horizontal box plot
should have been used allowing regions' names to be read more
easily on the Y-axis. There were a few other small defects (see
Minor points below).
6. Other data in the report are not well
presented or sufficiently brought into the main text. Appendix
two showing the results of the study team's survey of prisons
is not well presented. For example, on page 45 the basic data
on programmes is not arranged in a numerical progression and percentages
are needlessly computed correct to one decimal pointthe
overall result being a jumbled table with 80 cells. To make matters
worse each of the columns is heading "number of prisoners"
when it should be "prisons". No real analysis is given
of this table, and it does not emerge clearly enough in the report
that there are three classes of programmes. Two are provided almost
universally (Basic Skills Education and CARATS). Three more are
extensively available in a majority of prisons (Other Programmes
that are mainly locally driven, Enhanced Thinking Skills and Drugs
Rehabilitation). And four are available in a fifth or fewer prisons
(Sex Offender Treatment Programme, Reasoning and Rehabilitation,
the CALM Programme, Therapeutic Communities, and Problem Solving).
All of the data in Appendix two should have been properly processed
and analysed in the main text. The data in Appendix four on hours
of purposeful activity should also have been analysed and presented
there. The scores for individual prisons are just listed here
broken up by type of prison. The key summary statistics below
for prisons as a whole are not given:
|
| Median
| 24 hours |
|
|
Upper quartile | 30
| Lower quartile | 20
|
Upper limit | 64
| Lower limit | 13
|
| Mid range
| 10 | |
| Range |
51 | |
|
The Prison Service target for purposeful activity was 24
hours per week, and 58 prisons failed to meet this level while
a further 28 prisons achieved scores of 24 or 25 hours. Effectively
nearly two thirds of prisons were failing to meet or only just
meeting the target.
Scope
7. The report is well-focused on a defined topic with
clear policy effectiveness implications and significant financial
costs (accounting for between 0.5 of 1 per cent and 11 per cent
of the average annual cost of a prisoner, according to Figure
18). The report highlights the lack of reliable data or research
to inform Prison Service policy and working. At times, however,
the study team do seem to skirt over potentially serious issues.
For example, paragraph 2.25 states that unaccredited programmes
play an important part in the service delivery without any real
analysis of why this might be the case. One or two links out to
other topics might have been pursued. "Prison" in some
ways extends into the community via the early home release of
prisoners who have agreed to be subject to electronic surveillance
or "tagging", and so is relevant to the coverage of
resettlement programmes.
Methods
8. The study methodology is well designed in terms of
generating data. Questionnaires were sent to all prisons and virtually
all replied on most topics. Interviews were undertaken with staff
and prisoners in 10 prisons of varied type, as well as with officials
and the inspectorate, providing reasonably full and triangulated
coverage. Twenty prisoner files were examined in each of these
locations, 200 in all. The methods Appendix one is reasonably
informative, but might helpfully have listed the key studies in
the literature review; and said more about the nature of consultations
with NGOs and why parole Board personnel were not interviewed
(see Minor Points). "Targets", such as the aim of doubling
the number of prisoners released into work or training by 2004,
are also cited without much or any exploration of the underlying
rationale for the target itself. A drop in the target level for
"average number of prisoner hours spent on purposeful activities"
after 1996-97 is shown in Figure 20 but not explained. It would
have been interesting to know whether this was policy change under
the current government or whether it reflected only some definitional
change in the meaning of "purposeful activity".
9. The study team seemed too willing to rely on data
provided by either Home Office or the Prison Service. Most figures
are sourced to one of these two, and not much use is made of independent
data collection and analysis. Above all the team does not fully
exploit the data, which it has generated. For instance, there
are evidently problems in the extent to which moves of prisoners
disrupt their access to programmes, and one aspect of this is
the time it takes for prisoner records to be transferred to a
new prison after a move. Question nine in the survey of prisoners
asked how long it took each prison to send on records, and 93
per cent claimed to accomplish this within seven days (it was
not clear if these are office working days of just any days).
But when asked how long it took for new records to be transferred
in from other prisons, only 63 per cent said it was accomplished
within one to seven days, 30 per cent said eight to 30 days, and
four per cent over 30 days. This pattern clearly suggests overly
favourable reporting on the question of delays in sending on records.
Neither question is referred to elsewhere in the report, along
with most of Appendix two. Figure 19 does refer to data drawn
from question 11 on page 50, but it is clearly calculated slightly
differently and so the numbers do not match up consistently.
Conclusions and recommendations
10. There are 10 sets of recommendations overall, presented
in the Executive Summary and re-distilled in the Foreword. They
all seem sensible and timely in a rather general way but we were
a little sceptical that the study team has necessarily got a grip
on possible intractable barriers to achieving improvement. At
some points the study team come across as seeing information technology
change as a universal solution to deep-seated problems of poor
information collection and systems. Phrases such as "the
Prison Service expects that a new IT system, due to be introduced
under the Quantum project, will provide improved cost information"
(paragraph 2.10) are pretty vague. They do not address the likely
problem of changing the culture of an organisation that has not
collected so much crucial management information for such a long
period of time. It should be clear by now to any NAO study team,
that new IT systems often create new problems or build in new
limits as well as solve old ones. The study team might have been
able to take a better view of the scope and limits of changes
from improving data collection and analysis had the study included
comparisons with other countries. The New Zealand Treasury, for
example, has developed very detailed costings of prison regimes
and penal alternatives and has linked them effectively to success
rates in preventing re-offending, albeit in a much smaller country
with a far lower prison population.
11. There is also a constant and relatively well-attested
risk that targets and key performance indicators come to be more
important for audited agencies than the activities themselves.
One possible area is the recommendation, given the imprimatur
of the Comptroller and Auditor General in the Foreword, that "management
information systems [be developed] that would enable an assessment
to be made of [...] the success of individual prisons in reducing
re-offending". Yet the report itself at several points emphasises
reasons why the Prison Service has seen this task as difficult.
Prisoners transfer from one prison to another for a host of reasons
in the course of their imprisonment. It would be perverse to introduce
an incentive for prisons to maximise their KPI score for prisoner
programme completion by, for example, unwontedly hanging onto
prisoners who are good risks and shedding poor risks.
12. There are also some rather strange conclusions drawn
throughout the report that seem to contradict the analysis in
places. For example, paragraph 2.12 says that "the Prison
Service has made a determined effort to ensure that the design
of its offending behaviour programmes conforms to the best available
evidence of what works". This is strange given that the overriding
message of the report is that there is scant data around anyway
to form a foundation for any analysis. Presumably what works is
being determined by the quasi-experimental studies reported in
Appendix three. But this is a single small study and may be vulnerable
to Hawthorne effects and to the quality shading of programmes,
which move from experimental or national implementation. Perhaps
the key report message is that the Prison Service should spend
less time being "determined" to use such studies to
inform choices and priorities, and more time collecting and using
wide-scale data to inform programme improvement. Although the
report deals with resourcing of prison programmes it does not
draw inferences from the clear difficulties facing probation staff
in fulfilling their prisoner-related tasks. And it would have
been useful to compare performance across publicly-run prisons
and privately-contracted providers, assessing relative strengths
and weaknesses with both. Paragraph 2.20 says that "contracts
let to suppliers since 1999-2000 have stipulated that their drug
treatment programmes should gain accreditation by March 2002.
The Drug Strategy Unit recognises, however, that they are unlikely
to do so [...]". This nugget of information is not really
developed in terms of private prison providers and their management
of rehabilitation programmes.
Overall
14. The report provides a very useful and quite comprehensive
picture of the current state of prisoner re-education programmes.
More use should have been make of the data collected. A more evidence-based
approach and more specific and independent analysis and recommendations
could have been pursued.
Minor Points
Some tiny aspects of presentation might have been better
done. In our copy of the report, the four page sheet for pages
17-18 and pages 35-6 was unbound within the report. Part 1 involves
quite a lot of repetition of points already made in the Executive
Summary. In Part 2 "data" is used as singular, and an
overly small font is employed for the case study panels. The number
of acronyms included in the report means a glossary would be useful.
Some of these acronymic inventions seem quite bizarre (not, of
course, the fault of the study team), such as OASys or CARAT.
Presumably OASys stands for Offender Audit System, but this is
not clear from the report.
The repeated use of the cover photograph throughout the report
(on pages 2, 4-5, 6-7, 18, 26 and 36) considerably detracts from
its overall appearance. The shot shows a female prison officer
talking to a male prisoner with a female social worker taking
notes (no description of the scene is given at any point). All
the people involved are white, and a black prisoner is shown in
only one small photograph (Figure 6). Over-use of one image may
inadvertently lead readers to underestimate the problems of ethnic
minorities in the prison system. Matching different images to
the stage of the training processes described in each part of
the report would have been more helpful.
One apparent omission in the methods was the absence of any
interviews with or evidence from Parole Board staff and panel
members. Their key task is to evaluate prisoners for release on
license in the light of reductions in their risk of re-offending
during imprisonment. Part of that process is the evaluation of
how well prisoners have taken up and completed opportunities to
engage in prisoner programmes, and paragraph 3.22 mentions this
criterion for parole.
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