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4.49 pm

John Barrett (Edinburgh, West): There is a problem with the title of this debate, as the problem with "strategies" is that what is often required is not more of them, but a single one. In the field of development, especially in respect of Africa, a huge number of individuals, groups, organisations, non-governmental organisations, Governments and international organisations are making significant contributions to deal with the many issues of which we are all aware. The way forward is to develop a strategy to maximise the effectiveness of that effort and to reduce duplication and waste. That should include a listening strategy, because the experts on poverty are the poor. One might supply water to help a village, but when too many wells are being sunk by different groups without an overall strategy, the water table can drop, leaving no water for anyone. That simple lesson shows why, while acting with the best of intentions, we can be on the road to hell.

I shall not raise the following issues in any particular order, and this is not a case of discussing Africa at the expense of Iraq. There are a number of issues and they are complex and interlinked. They include poverty, hunger and food production, which the hon. Member for Meriden (Mrs. Spelman) mentioned. Obesity is a problem here in the west while people are starving in Africa, which shows that a worldwide food strategy is required. Health has been mentioned, and we must consider AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis and polio, which I shall mention later. Trade is another key factor in this complicated and difficult jigsaw. New alliances have been formed after Cancun. Following relatively disastrous discussions, I hope that this can be the start of a new era in which those new alliances can work together to put their issues at the top of the agenda.

Basic things that we do every day, such as turning on the tap, are major everyday problems throughout much of Africa. Conflict, whether in Sudan, Ethiopia or elsewhere, has been mentioned. The debt process and the position on heavily indebted poor countries were well covered by the hon. Member for Glasgow, Maryhill (Ann McKechin). Other issues include religious divides between Christians and Muslims, the matter of orphans, which has been mentioned, security and terrorism,

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corruption in a number of countries, including Malawi and Nigeria, wealth distribution, resources and natural mineral resources. Some countries have ongoing problems of the sort that we know a lot about with regard to Ethiopia, as well as Zimbabwe, which has also been mentioned.

Those are some of the issues that hon. Members will wish to deal with, and I shall try to avoid those that have already been raised and well covered. In the past few months, we have had several debates, mostly in Westminster Hall, about specific African countries, including Ethiopia, Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan and, of course, Zimbabwe. All those discussions have served to educate and advance the debate and to put before Ministers the detailed issues that need to be addressed in each of those countries. I hope that this debate will serve the same purpose. At a time when the world's attention is understandably focused on Iraq, Palestine and Afghanistan, such debates allow us to return to the part of the globe that the Prime Minister—the hon. Member for Meriden also mentioned this comment—has described as a scar on the conscience of the world. He also said that we could heal that scar or it could become deeper and angrier.

I do not question the integrity of those in the Chamber and a number of the groups and organisations that we deal with. I am sure that people are working towards the same goal—improving the lot of many people in Africa with whom we would fear to exchange positions. As the Minister and the hon. Member for Meriden have mentioned, Africa has great problems and needs. Of course, progress has been made in some areas, and it is important to recognise that that is the case. Nevertheless, from the troubled peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea to the food requirements of Angola, the HIV problems of Zimbabwe and Botswana and ongoing problems in Liberia, there is a lot to be done, and I appreciate that there are many more issues to discuss than we can possibly mention this afternoon.

The Government must be given credit for the money that they have given and the role that they have played in trying to improve the lives of people in Africa. The Department for International Development is widely recognised as having taken a leading role in international development in the region, and the simple existence of a Department focused on development has allowed greater priority to be placed on these issues. I shall not forget the first-hand stories that I have heard about how DFID's interventions have changed lives—many from people who otherwise might not be alive today.

At the same time, though, increasing performance leads to increasing expectations. That is no bad thing: we should constantly aim for better performance, greater results and higher goals. Internationally, many of those targets have already been set through the millennium development goals, several of which have deadlines that are only 10 or 12 years away. It goes without saying that those targets are very challenging, especially in Africa. Figures from the World Bank show the enormous differences between African nations and developing countries in other parts of the world. In terms of progress towards the millennium development goals, for example, only 13 per cent. of countries in sub-Saharan Africa are expected to meet the goal of halting and reversing the spread of HIV-AIDS, compared with

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63 per cent. of countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. On child mortality, only 18 per cent. of sub-Saharan African countries are expected to meet the goal of reducing the child mortality rate by two thirds, compared with 76 per cent. of countries in south Asia. On perhaps the most important indicator of all—reducing poverty and cutting by half the numbers living on less than a dollar a day—Africa is the only region that is projected by the World Bank's sustained growth forecasts not to meet that goal. It is clear from those statistics that Africa, more than any other region of the world, remains the greatest challenge to the international community.

So where do we go from here? What can we do to try to turn the situation around? Of course, overseas aid remains one of the most straightforward instruments for achieving change. During our inquiry into financing for development, the Select Committee on International Development was informed by the African Development Bank that an extra $20 billion to $25 billion would be needed every year to enable those African countries that can use aid effectively to meet the millennium development goals. Indeed, the United Nations Development Programme and UNICEF predict that development targets will not be met in Africa unless those additional substantial resources are provided.

As I said, the Government have a good record on overseas aid, but the Secretary of State will expect to hear me say that there is still room for improvement. I accept that increasing UK development aid to the UN target of 0.7 per cent. would involve a substantial increase in spending, but I want to pursue this point: if he cannot, for whatever reason, increase our aid to that 0.7 per cent. figure, will he at least set a timetable for reaching it, as called for by non-governmental organisations? In response to a parliamentary question, I was told that such matters extending beyond 2006 are matters for future Parliaments and future Governments. That is a cop-out. I cannot understand why the Government can set a 10-year transport target, but not targets for international aid: it just does not make sense.

Of course, it is not just about the volume or the quantity of aid, but about using it efficiently and effectively for the greatest impact. That is why the European Union can come in for some strong criticism, because, although about 70 per cent. of UK aid is given to low-income countries such as those in Africa, only 40 per cent. of the aid that is distributed by the EU is poverty-focused. Worse still, over the past 10 years the percentage of EU aid given to the lowest-income countries has decreased from 70 per cent. Half our overseas aid is distributed by the EU, and the Secretary of State clearly has a role to play in improving those figures. The EU spends an enormous amount of money on our behalf—money that could undoubtedly be used a lot better. Every step should be taken to improve the efficiency of that aid so that countries and people in Africa can benefit.

But aid alone will not be enough to help Africa and its people out of poverty. One of the greatest gifts that we can give to the region is to allow Africa and its people the necessary tools to help themselves. Last week in Westminster Hall, we had a useful debate on the International Development Committee's report on issues from Cancun. I do not want to rehearse those

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arguments, but it is clear that reform of international trade rules would massively benefit Africa's development. The oft-repeated statistic is that if Africa increased its exports by just 1 per cent., it would generate five times what the region receives in aid. That should continually remind us of the prizes that are there to be won if we have the perseverance to fight for them.

As was said during last week's debate, Cancun was a major setback in the campaign for fairer trade rules, but the determination and momentum for change remain. Africa as a region would be one of the greatest beneficiaries of such a change. When I visited Ethiopia—a country in the stranglehold of the international coffee crisis—with Oxfam this year, I was struck by the real potential that exists there, if only the rules of the international stage were such that it could play its proper part.

The issue of AIDS is important, but reforming trade rules, tackling the billions of pounds of domestic support that African nations simply cannot match, stopping the dumping that prices African farmers out of their own markets, and ending the tariffs and quotas that stop African exports would all make an enormous contribution to ending the poverty and to improving the economic development of the region. I appreciate that getting those reforms is not solely in the hands of the Secretary of State or the UK Government, but they have an important role to play as the champion of the poor, standing up for countries that, for whatever reason, cannot help themselves. We should have fair trade, not just free trade.

One of the greatest challenges facing Africa is the spread of HIV and AIDS. Thirty million people are now infected in sub-Saharan Africa, with a new infection occurring every nine seconds. Someone dies every 13 seconds. From the moment the Secretary of State opened this debate to the moment that you close our proceedings, Mr. Deputy Speaker, an estimated 1,200 people will have contracted HIV in sub-Saharan Africa, and 830 people will have died. The HIV prevalence rate in some countries now exceeds 30 per cent., with almost 40 per cent. of the people in Botswana infected. One of the tragic aspects of this is that the relatively speedy development of Botswana could be linked to the increasing spread of HIV, through increased affluence, mobility and access to alcohol, and the knock-on effects that those factors can have.

The AIDS virus is now ripping apart the society of many African countries, leaving millions of orphans, as my hon. Friend the Member for Richmond Park (Dr. Tonge) has mentioned. Agricultural knowledge is simply not being passed on from parent to child, and when it is, the children are too young, and their parents too sick, to work the land. HIV is far from being a poor man's illness. Teachers, nurses and other professionals are also dying, damaging the few already fragile mechanisms in place for basic health care and education. It is a real problem to have discussions with a group of key decision makers whose priority is to think in the long term, if those people might not be there in the long term. Christian Aid has predicted that if more is not done, 15 million people will die of HIV by 2007. Many of those deaths can be prevented, however.

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The recent agreement on the reform of trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights by the US, India, South Africa and others is a major step forward in terms of providing medicines in Africa, but drug availability is not the answer in itself. More must be done to build the infrastructure and delivery mechanisms there, so that more people can be given better treatment. More education is required, along with the very best of preventive health care, to teach people about HIV and its dangers.

Better use can surely be made of the global health fund. I am well aware of the extra resources that the Government have pledged towards the fund, but it is still one of the greatest underused mechanisms for the co-ordination and execution of our war against this disease. I would also praise the work of the company Diageo for the work that it has done in providing free antiretroviral drugs to those in its work force who require it. That has set a valuable example for other companies to follow.

While HIV and AIDS kill during war and peacetime, conflict between nations only adds to the barriers to poverty reduction and economic development. When more money is spent on guns than schoolbooks, and when there are more soldiers than doctors, we can never hope to achieve our goals in Africa. That is why conflict prevention and conflict resolution are so important. The recent progress made in Sudan, with the signing of a security framework, is a major step forward. The news yesterday that United Nations peacekeepers are to fly back to Liberia following evidence of renewed fighting only confirms that work remains to be done there.

In Somalia, 10 years after the failed US intervention, there remains no central Government in a country of warring factions that is, as the US ambassador warned, a potential seedbed for terrorism. In Ethiopia and Eritrea, all steps must be taken to encourage the respective authorities to sign up to the proposed new border to avoid further conflict. Without stability, we will never be able to attract the investment—especially private investment—that Africa desperately needs. Without good governance, in which the international community has its part to play, there will be little confidence in financing projects. For Africa, the New Partnership for Africa's Development will play an important part in that. We must encourage African nations to police each other effectively; at the same time, we must be there as a friend to the region to offer assistance if and when it is required.

One of the most critical aspects of development is not only looking to the future, but learning from the past, as mistakes are not pointless if lessons really are learned. During the food crisis that threatened southern Africa last year, the early warning systems failed. We must learn from what happened—the detail of how the UK and other donor nations responded has been debated at great length in the House—but, as the hon. Member for Meriden pointed out, there is clear evidence coming forward of warnings being given, especially by those working on the ground, that we are facing other potential crises in southern and eastern Africa.

I have also received information suggesting that countries such as Lesotho, which suffered badly last year, are also facing food shortages because of adverse

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weather. I note that the simple problem with shipping in Angola recently had a major impact on food aid availability and distribution.

Those events present us with short-term and long-term challenges. Naturally, in the short term the UK Government have a responsibility to respond to the crisis that is developing, assisting in the provision of food and water aid while encouraging others to follow suit. However, in the long term we must ensure that the potential for such crises occurring in the first place is diminished. We cannot go through the same sequence of events every year, where erratic rainfall leads to a poor harvest, which leads to a food crisis.

With global warming and more unpredictable weather conditions, the frequency of those external shocks will surely increase. We have to ensure that the damage that they can inflict is minimised, although I appreciate that that is not easy to achieve. However, diversification of agriculture, or even reducing the dependence on agriculture, as well as use of drought-resistant crops and ensuring that better infrastructure is in place can all be carried forward.

As I said at the beginning of my contribution, the Government are to be commended for the action that they have taken in Africa—undoubtedly, they have played one of the leading roles—but further action can be taken and further progress made. Africa's development should concern us all. We should not tolerate such poverty. We would not tolerate it in our own country and we must not tolerate it in Africa either. We must never forget that Africa will not make it alone.


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