Select Committee on Culture, Media and Sport Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witness (Questions 80-99)

TUESDAY 25 FEBRUARY 2003

MR MAX CLIFFORD

  80. That is why you are paid what you are paid.
  (Mr Clifford) No, because I am not paid for that.

  81. No, I do not mean that particular case but generally. You made the point earlier that you did very well out of it, out of your profession.
  (Mr Clifford) Absolutely right, yes.

  82. I can understand that. It is almost worth saying that you depend on the media for your livelihood and in some respects—
  (Mr Clifford) Yes, and a lot of the things I say will not endear me to them.

  83. No. I think that is fine. I admire that and I appreciate it. In some respect you could probably argue that they depend on you as well because you provide them with stories from time to time and you are part of the balancing in the system, the balancing perhaps that the PCC does not provide?
  (Mr Clifford) I have a unique position. Because I have often a big influence on the front pages it means I have as much influence as I can possibly get on all areas of the media—press, televison, the lot—around the world and obviously that suits me wonderfully well.

  84. Take the point you have just mentioned, the particularly tragic case you have used as an example. Another area which has been talked about is a hotline to try and stop publication in certain cases, something that the public could have access to through whatever representation we are able to find. Could you see that operating, what you do in your professional life, ordinary members of the public having access to the hotline to the PCC to try and stop publication? Do you see that as feasible?
  (Mr Clifford) I do not work with the PCC. It is a waste of time. I do my own thing my own way. It is quicker and it is far more effective. If there were a hundred people in my position around the country they could do an awful lot if they wanted to because you can get to the people who make the decisions straight away and you can explain to them that maybe it is not in their interest, maybe they cannot walk all over.

  85. But you can do that because you know the territory.
  (Mr Clifford) Yes, that is the point. As I say, I can only—

  86. One of my constituents in Aberdeen is being hounded by the press and he or she does not know where to turn.
  (Mr Clifford) Quite right.

  87. If there was a line where someone at the PCC could take a phone call and could phone the newspaper, check the evidence against what they have been told by the individual and call a halt to publication would that be something that would be beneficial?
  (Mr Clifford) Well, I think anything would be much better than what there is at the moment, yes. What you would need would be something that the public were aware of as a defence mechanism.

  88. Yes, it would have to be advertised.
  (Mr Clifford) So suddenly if you are thrust into the media glare, which happens, you would know in this instance—if someone is taken ill you ring for an ambulance. If someone suddenly thrusts you into the media spotlight you ring. So wherever you happen to be from Land's End to John O'Groats you know there is a number to call and very quickly, in a perfect world, you get a response.

  89. Yes. I have done that myself on behalf of other people and on my own account, phoning editors, and it has been very successful and I do not see any reason why the PCC could not offer that sort of facility because they would be experts in their own right and would be able to speak directly to the people who make the decisions about publication.
  (Mr Clifford) I do think that the PCC, hopefully an improved PCC, would certainly take that on board and could do an awful lot more.

  Mr Doran: Thank you.

Alan Keen

  90. You have been very critical of the press. Could you tell us how you think it works. The national press are controlled by financial groups, are they not? They may be self-contained anyway. Do the non-executive directors and the actual owners influence what is printed? Some of the stuff that you are critical of obviously you would think that somebody at the top would think, "We shouldn't do that," but are they overridden?
  (Mr Clifford) No. I think that by far the most important judgment is the editor and it is purely based on "Is this good for my paper, my circulation?" That is the one. But with regard to outside influences, no. Generally speaking I am amazed at some of the things that publishers allow their editors to publish from time to time. It is a refreshing form of amazement because there are certain things which I thought politically were not very clever and were not very good for those particular publishers, the owners. So no, I do think that we have as free a press as is properly possible and that is a good thing, which is why I am against a privacy law because I think there are, you know, pluses and minuses. But I do not think there is too much interference generally speaking. It varies. Richard Desmond probably has more influence over his editors than most publishers but you have got to look at every situation on its own merits. I think probably Piers Morgan would have a far freer hand. Rebekah Wade would have a far freer hand. Paul Dacre is virtually a law to himself. You look at every individual newspaper but unless you are working for Richard Desmond—I think Richard takes a far more personal active interest and in my view would have a far closer hands-on approach than most.

  91. Would it be more effective as a restraint if the owners had to answer rather than just, "Oh, it's nothing to do with us, we just deal with the finances"?
  (Mr Clifford) The problem that you have got, Alan, is that it is the time process, you see, because for the public by the time you have done all this and gone through all that the damage is done and it is finished. You know, the body is dead. It is a waste of time anything else, no satisfaction, nothing. So that is the problem, that unless, as Frank Doran was saying, you can react quickly and protect people, anticipate, unless you have experts with clout, "Hold on a minute, you can't do this. Stop. You're not going until you've satisfied us you can justify," etcetera, etcetera, it is a waste of time because when someone is dead you are not going to resurrect them.

  92. Just to help us understand how it works, if an ordinary person, you feel, is being persecuted do you take up their case with the newspaper and say, "Look, if you print this we want some money for what you're doing"?
  (Mr Clifford) No. The problem, Alan, is this. First and foremost, I am not working for—you know, I have clients. I do not have enough hours in the day to do half the things I am being paid to do. So you do what you can, which is not anything like enough, but sometimes there is a quick solution. Sometimes I can quickly get hold of someone. Often they come to me and say, "Look what they've done in this newspaper. It's totally untrue," etcetera, etcetera. I have shown it to them. I do not get anywhere. Other newspapers are not interested because six months down the line, a month down the line, the same thing might be happening to them so they do not want to know either. So where do you go? Nowhere.

  Alan Keen: I am fascinated and would carry on but I think the Chairman will stop me.

  Chairman: I would never stop you, Alan, but I will call Rosemary.

Rosemary McKenna

  93. Thank you, Chairman. Thank you for your honesty. You yourself have been at the receiving end of some pretty nasty stuff because of the job that you do but that is all right because you are like us.
  (Mr Clifford) That is fine. If you give it, you can take it.

  94. That is right. We are in the public domain. My concern, like yours, is about my constituents but also about the families of people. How do you deal with the case where an eighty year old woman, who happened to be the mother of someone fairly well known, was doorstepped for three days by the press pack, by photo journalists and nobody but nobody can stop that?
  (Mr Clifford) Okay. Let me tell you because that kind of thing has happened to me. The person phones or contacts my office, one of the girls, one of the people who work for me, and they tell me and I can quickly—because normally they would shove a card through the door—contact the editors and say, "Fine. This is what you're doing," etcetera, etcetera, etcetera. "If you don't stop I'll make sure that everybody knows exactly what you've been doing to this eighty year old," etcetera. So that is what I can do but that is just a drop in the ocean, I know that. What you need is people, an organisation, a structure that can do that, that can look after the interests of those who have got no one to protect them and move fast. For them, the public, what I would suggest you do is that you employ Max Clifford Associates and pay them fortunes to promote this and then everyone will know about it and then the public have got a number to ring.

Chairman

  95. When we did our inquiry 10 years ago one of the things that we discovered and indeed referred to in our report was that there was on the statute book a criminal law which criminalized what was called "besetting". It was in fact enacted against strikers but it could equally be used against people who were doorstepping, besetting people. Do you think that that kind of law, which is actually on the statute book and could be used, would be useful or is that overdoing it?
  (Mr Clifford) No, I do not know how that would work in practice. Someone is doorstepping you. I mean, who do you call to stop it? How long does it take? The point I am saying is that the kind of organisation the PCC in a perfect world would be it would take care of these things because it is in their interest to. So once you bring in the law, you know, that takes for ever and you take pot luck and they do not want to know because they have got far more important, serious, frightening things going on for them to sort out all the time and it might mean more paperwork, which they all say they have got far too much of anyway.

  96. Invoking the civil law is a slow business but if it is a criminal Act of Parliament which denotes a criminal offence then one would assume that you could simply call the police?
  (Mr Clifford) Yes, but then of course it is a question of what is legitimate? Whilst I am the first to say that the press is guilty of lots of things, if it was not for a free press then an awful lot of people would have got away with an awful lot, and still do!

Rosemary McKenna

  97. Yes. I think we all agree it is the balance about making sure that we do have freedom of the press and that what should be exposed is exposed. But the press themselves operate in a quasi-judicial role and there is no control, no legal controls over them. What concerns me is that the PCC is self-regulation and it was set up to stop legislation quite clearly. It has not worked because clearly the press and standards over the last 10 years have deteriorated. I do not think anybody would disagree with that.
  (Mr Clifford) Yes, I would agree with you, Rosemary, but I would also say that if it can be modernised, if it can be changed it would still be the most effective way of getting it right rather than legislation, which does not work and is time-consuming and you get meetings about meetings and proposals about proposals and two years later they are still arguing.

  98. I have a very open mind about that. I have not made up my mind at all.
  (Mr Clifford) It should not be too difficult to make these kind of adjustments. The difficulty, I think, is going to be in making sure the public are aware that they do have a means.

  Rosemary McKenna: Yes. Thank you.

Ms Shipley

  99. It is a shame you do not like MPs because you are sounding a lot like one.
  (Mr Clifford) Not all MPs, no, I have met the odd one, you know—


 
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