Select Committee on Culture, Media and Sport Written Evidence


APPENDIX 108

Memorandum submitted by Mr Jonathan Virden

  Last week I heard that the Select Committee on Culture, Media and Sport was having a spot of bother with editors of some newspapers.

  This stimulated me to dig out an essay I had written some years ago and to revise it.

  I attach a copy of the essay and hope that you may find a moment to read it.

  I acknowledge that the views expressed are very extreme, but it was fun to write in that manner.

  However I am sure that you will find the few essential points. They are at the real centre of the debate you were trying to have with some very tiresome people who are vital to our society in many ways.

Annex

THE SWORD OF THE PRESS

(Jonathan Virden)

  The press hangs over each individual like the Sword of Damocles. It can be instantly catastrophic, without the possibility of return to the previous state of affairs. It dangles by a thread over every citizen and there seems to be little effective balance to prevent repetition.

  Can privacy be a right? Probably not fully so in a modern society, where evil cohabits with the good, the ordinary and the original.

  And yet apprehension exists. Fear is always present. That which causes great hurt to someone else may happen to you. The media pack regularly besieges someone's home or the homes of friends or relations, for days on end, with endless pestering and destruction of flowerbeds.

  The press, most permanent of the media, can do much damage to the life of an individual. But all media have great power to hurt without good cause. And the relatively penniless citizen has no way to exact revenge or reduce repetition elsewhere.

  There are laws to protect the innocent and those whose activities or presence attract attention, however odd they are. But these laws are manifestly inadequate today. The fact that hurt to innocent citizens actually happens shows conclusively that self-control by the media has failed. Society as a whole has not got the balance right yet. Something more could be done to check needless harm.

  Should ordinary citizens be allowed to be hurt without good cause by the fading of memory or legal inertia? Instant severe retribution would restrain editors and their proprietors.

  The press quotes "public interest" as defence for its livelihood and the public work it does, of which there is much that is good, indeed essential for the well-being of society

  "Public Interest" is a term with two meanings and more uses.

  Public interest means that people often choose to buy newspapers with money. They are interested; that is normal human nature. The makers of newspapers have to preserve the interest of the public or die for lack of sales. The ever-debasing emotional currency of sensationalism is the hard-to-avoid outcome of this public interest where newspapers compete with each other. From this sense a plea of public interest is a clear and simple admission of guilt where needless harm has happened. As an excuse for hurt it should be wholly disallowed.

  Public interest also means the aspect of the attention of the media to the detail of what is going on, both good and, more usually bad. No society pretending to be free should curb the freedom of an investigative press to search among the daily activities of individuals and organisations, to pry on what was done, by whom and when. It is a fundamental safeguard of democracy, supported through the ultimate judgement of the good sense of most people. But this restraint comes only in the legal framework which surrounds the activities of all who publish anything. And that comes slowly.

  Today in England, it seems to be far too easy for the media to step over the line of civilised decency and then plead "public interest", hiding behind the confusion of definition. A plea of public interest should be taken as proof of guilt until proven to be otherwise. That proof must be provided within a very short time; delay should be taken as proof of guilt.

  There are plenty of laws and conventions, which are supposed to constrain editors' judgement within the limits of human decency. But they are seen not to work to prevent unnecessary hurt even if that is only peripheral to the purpose of publication.

  To make a proper balance between media and citizen another sword is required. It must dangle by a delicate thread over all media. It must have a quick, hurtful and irretrievable effect. For example the mandatory cessation of publication, printing, distribution or broadcasting in any form for the next two issues, without appeal, starting on the following day. "Off-the-air" for a week or more would suit a case where great offence or misery is seen to have been caused without good reason. Huge fines on the proprietor for each and every copy found to evade the ruling. A £1,000 fine for each copy imported by anyone from foreign printing would deter well. A fine on each reporter and cameraman found to have been present, whether publishing or not, would be a means of self restraint on the whole group. Importers and distributors of foreign matter can be similarly punished.

  Someone like an ombudsman might be appointed. How will he or she operate? From where will their sense of what is hurtful and unnecessary come? Who would make the judgement? A biased jury would be ideal, stimulated by a general sense of outrage.

  To make the risk not worth taking a panel of persons who have been hurt previously by media would be ideal. Perhaps each of 19 would serve for only 19 cases each on an overlapping rota; one joining and one leaving for each case. A non-voting chairman could keep order during private discussion. A couple of suitable assistants may ensure that evidence is properly prepared and presented. A simple majority of such people, producing a small number of examples of severe retribution would rapidly reform any thoughtless enthusiasm for publication of anything which hurts any citizen without good cause.

  One hour should be allowed for presentation of each side of the argument. Decision must be made on the same day.

  This requires no change to any part of the present law. Such a panel would certainly keep the eye of the editor and his owner on how much they may cause distress for no good purpose.

  The panel might be called the Sword of Damocles.

14 March 2003


 
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