Select Committee on Defence Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses(Questions 40-59)

WEDNESDAY 27 NOVEMBER 2002

RT HON MR GEOFF HOON MP, AIR MARSHAL ROB WRIGHT AFC AND MR EDWARD OAKDEN

  40. How does it differ from the previous NATO response forces, the ACE [3]Mobile Force and the ARRC[4]?

  (Mr Hoon) This is the force that would be deployed to do the job and much more than the framework support structure that you are describing. These would be forces that would deploy into a theatre, into a crisis, and if necessary they would fight.

  41. Will they replace the ACE Mobile Force and the ARRC?
  (Mr Hoon) No. The idea is that they will be the front end, if you like; they will be the force that will be available to carry out the actual task on the ground. It is about readiness, about deployability, and about sustaining them at the sharp end.

  42. Is it planned that they will draw on the same assets as the ARRC and the ACE Mobile Force?
  (Mr Hoon) No.
  (Air Marshal Wright) The ACE Mobile Force was very much a legacy organisation, a multi-national organisation, designed to put a footprint on the ground. With all the work that we have done on the NATO force structure—the deployable, flexible, out-of-area concept—we decided that in relation to the headquarters about which I spoke earlier—ARRC is one, but there are eight—nations would put forward to be developed as key mobile headquarters. As I said earlier, ARRC is a template for the way in which we shall operate. It will be one of the Command and Control elements that will control the Response Force. The Response Force is a vehicle for many things, not only capabilities. If one looks at the panoply of what NATO is doing—the command structure and the task force—with one of those land headquarters—ARRC is one—controlling the land, the NATO Response Force will fit within that, as will the air and maritime elements. It is a total picture, and the whole thing is deployable and capable at the top end of the spectrum if required, and critically at very short notice.

  43. They will be like a 15-hour assault brigade?
  (Air Marshal Wright) Indeed.
  (Mr Hoon) I think the analogy of our own spearhead approach is the right one: having forces maintained at very high readiness, able to move very quickly.

  44. Has any decision been taken yet about what the force will comprise, what contribution the UK will make and what contribution other nations will make?
  (Mr Hoon) We are still working on that. It is the point that James was making earlier—he has gone now—that we want other countries also to be in a position to maintain forces at that level of readiness. That is a very different approach from the one that generally is adopted. The whole concept of having a force available at short notice, with all the logistic support that is required, is something that we want to see other countries being able to do as well as ourselves.

  45. Did you have people sidling up to you saying, "We would like to join you on this one", or was there a sense of a degree of reluctance?
  (Mr Hoon) No, I think there is a recognition in other countries that this is something that they have not necessarily tried before and that they will have to reorganise to achieve it. It is exactly the point that I was making earlier about changing concepts. If in the past, your concept was that you were required to place large numbers of infantry personnel into a particular place, but in a relatively relaxed timescale: you organised the forces in a way to do that. This is a wholly different concept, and, as we have found, a very challenging one. From the perspective of the UK it is important that we do not assume too much responsibility in the first place because we want others to develop a similar kind of capability.

Mr Hancock

  46. It will be difficult for many of those countries to deliver any elements of those kinds of forces at all. Most of them have conscript armies which train for fairly short periods of time and they will not be available for that kind of deployment.
  (Mr Hoon) Even if countries have conscript armies, they have professional elements alongside them. I accept that there is an issue in those countries that have conscript armies about how much time, effort and resources they devote to conscription as opposed to their professional forces, but they all have very effective professional forces as well.

  47. They are not very large elements.
  (Mr Hoon) I disagree with you. I think if you check the numbers you will find that they have significant professional forces as well. France has only recently abandoned conscription and no one suggests that France does not have a highly professional and some very sharp-end forces that would readily satisfy the terms of the NATO Response Force. Conscription is a bit of a red herring. There are problems with conscription but I do not think that it stops the development of these kinds of professional forces.

  48. Did you sense that there was an agreement among the members of the Alliance as to the purpose or usefulness of this force, or did you sense that different countries had different views?
  (Mr Hoon) On the contrary, I would say that there was very great enthusiasm. There is a recognition that it is precisely the kind of force required to deal with the kinds of threats that we face today. It is fair to say that the deployment to Sierra Leone, for example, was widely admired by our European partners as being something that they themselves would have liked to be able to do but at that stage, at any rate, probably could not.

  49. Are you confident that the timetable will be met?
  (Mr Hoon) Yes, I am. This is quite a modest-sized force. James' question was about spending better rather than spending more, about making sure that you embrace the concept and organise the forces to be able to deliver.

  50. The reality is that we are better placed than any other country to do this because we are already independently structured to deliver such a force, so the burden will fall upon us. The question will arise that if there are two operations, one involving this new NATO force and one involving the EU Rapid Reaction Force, and we have commitments to both, which will take priority?
  (Mr Hoon) I have made it clear already that because we are already organised in this way with significant elements of our Armed Forces, it is important to give other countries the opportunity to develop the same kind of approach. I had already answered the question before you asked it.

  51. I think there is a clear message and we welcome that. What relationship do you envisage between this new NATO force and the EU reaction force?
  (Mr Hoon) There is a long answer which is that it is about improving military capabilities. The United Kingdom is wholly relaxed about whether that is done in the context of the EU or NATO, providing at the end of the day we get better capabilities. There are also comparisons to be made, as I have said already, at the sharp-end, war-fighting force. The Peterberg tasks are not designed at that level of war-fighting capability, but I see no reason why ultimately they should not be amended in that direction. I see no reason why, when we are concerned with improving capabilities, that that should not be something that the EU should embrace as part of a continuing process to refine the Peterberg tasks and to develop this kind of tighter, sharper capability.

  52. If, as we hope, the EU reaction force draws on NATO structures and NATO planning and systems and if the NATO reaction force is called into operation at the same time, do you foresee that being a problem and that that will impose strains and difficulties on NATO?
  (Mr Hoon) That is why it is important in developing these kinds of forces that we do not simply have one of them. The ambition in relation to capability improvement is that we have a choice, and that we shall have more than one set of these forces available to be able to do the job. That may be over ambitious—at the moment many countries do not have even one—but we have just discussed the example of deployable headquarters. I suspect five years ago that you may have been asking why the UK was the only country essentially that was making a substantial contribution to a deployable headquarters and now we see other countries prepared to do the same. Gradually the lessons have been learned and the capabilities improved. We want that to happen.

  53. In relation to the reports in today's newspapers about this new Franco-German operation which is going to have integrated command capability, where will that fit into the new arrangements? Is that yet another force that is being created in Europe? Does it fit in with the EU force? Is it additional to it? What will it do in relation to the NATO force?
  (Mr Hoon) I do not think that you should get too excited about what is a submission by France and Germany to a committee that is looking at the long-term reform of the treaties governing the European Union. I have met M. Barnier on a couple of occasions lately and I have submitted some ideas on behalf of the United Kingdom. They are ideas about longer-term thinking. I am sure that the Committee would want all countries to engage in that kind of long-term thinking. Certainly the United Kingdom is engaged in that. I would not get to excited at this stage about what are ideas. I am sure that Mr Howarth is not afraid of ideas.

  54. I am not afraid of ideas. The Daily Telegraph says that the Foreign Office is alarmed. I am not sure that your soothing reassurance to the Committee sits with that, but of course the newspaper may conceivably be in the wrong. Are you not concerned that the French and the Germans are separately talking about a combined force, a Franco-German force with its own doctrines and integrated command capability at the same time as the other discussions are taking place. Is that not creating confusion?
  (Mr Hoon) These are ideas and I do not think that we should be afraid of ideas. This is a submission to a committee that is looking at the treaties governing the European Union and what they may look like over the next 30 years. I think that we should encourage other countries to have ideas, because out of the process one day we may achieve something practical. As I said, the United Kingdom has submitted our thinking on future developments in the European Union. I hope that my ideas are also received with as much enthusiasm as the Daily Telegraph appears to have received these contributions from France and Germany. It is an important part of the process of developing policy. They are ideas and no more than that at this stage.

Mr Jones

  55. Secretary of State, I want to turn to terrorism. One of the issues at Prague was the endorsement of the military concept of defence against terrorism. When you came before the Committee just after 11 September you emphasised the importance of intelligence in terms of the war against terrorism. Do you share the concerns of Donald Rumsfeld that the West feels that spies from the Soviet era will penetrate institutions in the new NATO member states and thus access to NATO countries' secrets? Do you have concerns that some aspirant countries are possibly not as trustworthy as others and to use the Chairman's phrase, that you would not trust them with a copy of the Daily Telegraph?
  (Mr Hoon) Clearly, I do not in any way underestimate the importance of security. The security of what NATO does is absolutely paramount. I know that the Committee has visited a number of countries that are likely to join NATO in due course. Their level of criticism about our engagement, for example, sometimes with the Russian Federation is remarkable, because understandably most of those countries are pretty suspicious of the Russian Federation, given their own recent history. If you go to the Czech Republic, you will not find wild enthusiasm for Russia because of what happened in 1968. The same is true of the Baltic states. I think the idea is a little far fetched, that citizens of those countries, who have had relatively recent experience of the Soviet Union and what it meant for their own people, are likely to become spies on behalf of the Russian Federation. In my view that is just a little unrealistic.

  56. You disagree then?
  (Mr Hoon) I am trying to be polite.

  57. Yes?
  (Mr Hoon) Yes.

  58. In terms of the war against terrorism, one of the roles identified was the idea of NATO assuming a role in home defence. Can you explain exactly what that means? Is it around Article 5, or is it something else that NATO could assist in homeland defence of member states?
  (Mr Hoon) The first thing to say about homeland defence, as far as the United Kingdom is concerned, is that the role of the Armed Forces is always in response to a request from the civilian authorities. It seems to me that that principle should apply equally to any request for, say, the use of our military forces in assisting in the internal defence of any other member of the Alliance. Clearly, in light of the appalling events of 11 September, it is not difficult to envisage circumstances in which other countries may make such a request particularly if there were devastation on a wide scale. It is important to get the structures right. For me the structure would be that there would have to be a request from the civilian authorities for the use of military assets in the way in which they are used in the United Kingdom in support of the civilian power. We would need to keep that framework clear before engaging in anything along those lines.

Patrick Mercer

  59. I have three brief questions. On chemical and biological warfare, the CBW initiatives were discussed at Prague. What was the British contribution to that?
  (Mr Hoon) We can now deploy two brigades with full personnel protective equipment. Between now and 2005 we want to see a significant improvement in our detection capabilities. We are working on that.


3   Allied Command Europe. Back

4   ACE Rapid Reaction Corps. Back


 
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